Church in Mission @ FTS - Recently Updated Pages

Fall 2009 Blogs

kertice — Mon, 19 Oct 2009 13:00:41 CDT

Keaton Andreas vintagekeaton.blogspot.com
Becky Burdashaw beckysue.wordpress.com
Sam Chae agapesarang.wordpress.com
Irene Cho mishael53.blogspot.com
Ashley Cook ashleylcook.wordpress.com
Marisol DeJesus marisol-mc500.blogspot.com
Gary Francis web.mac.com/glfrancis12
Fabian Garcia fabiandgarcia.wordpress.com
Janay Garrick janayinafrica.blogspot.com
Wesley Hall globomis.blogspot.com
Sara Hendershot globalfarmgirl.blogspot.com
Eileen Hsieh eileenhsieh.blogspot.com
Sung Joo Kim sungkimmc500.wordpress.com
Marcus Logan marcuslogan.com
Andre Lundsett mc500.lundsett.no
Brenda Mantel learningatfuller.blogspot.com
Mike Master mmchurchandmission.blogspot.com
Ramon Mayo mayomadness.blogspot.com
Joy Mosgofian pileofstones.wordpress.com
Teng Kuan Ng tengkuan.xanga.com
Mark Poshak chroniclesoffuller.blogspot.com
Jill Pratt churchandmissioninaglobalcontext.blogspot.com
Morgan Rawson rawsonchurchinmission.blogspot.com
Karen Rouggly karensfullerjourney.wordpress.com
Jachin Rupe jachinerupe.wordpress.com
Katie Schostag underadancingstar.blogspot.com
Robbie Sears mc500robbie.blogspot.com
Mary Grace Serreno marygracetoday.blogspot.com
Jessica Smith jessicaonealsmith.blogspot.com
Colin Storm cstormatfuller.blogspot.com
Adrianne Towe adriannetowe.blogspot.com
Mary Wells marywells.blogspot.com
David Wylie davidonchurchmission.blogspot.com
Paul Yang mc500-paulyang.blogspot.com

The Church in Mission @ FTS Home

rbolger — Sun, 04 Oct 2009 14:05:39 CDT

Welcome to the Church in Mission Class wiki for Summer 2009 at Fuller Theological Seminary. This is the
homepage where you can find important updates and easy access links to things you will need for this class.

Quick Links

Assignments

Class Announcements

Welcome to Church in Mission, Fall 09...

What's New

Class Blogs

Recent Discussions

Weekly Classtime, Schedule

September September 28 - December 2, 2009

Introduction -- Walk through Syllabus, My Story
Unit 1: Jesus, the Kingdom, and the Church
Unit 2: First Century Churches
Unit 3: Orthodox Churches
Unit 4: Catholic Churches
Unit 5: Medieval Church
Unit 6: Lutheran Churches
Unit 7: Reformed Churches
Unit 8: Anglican Churches
Unit 9: Free Churches
Unit 10: Pentecostal Churches
Unit 11: Emerging Churches

NOTE: Our class time for November 11 will be moved from 1pm to 3pm so that we can hear Bishop Graham Cray speak in Payton 101.

About the Professor

RYAN K. BOLGER is Associate Professor of Church in Contemporary Culture in the School of Intercultural Studies, Fuller Theological Seminary. He is coauthor with Eddie Gibbs of Emerging Churches: Creating Christian Communities in Postmodern Cultures (Baker, 2005). He is the recipient of an award from Duke Divinity School for research work on pastoral leadership in the emerging church, and an award stipend from Yale for his teaching work on American culture and the gospel.

About the Teaching Assistant

Curtis A. Bronzan is a postgraduate student in the School of Intercultural Studies, researching ecclesiology in postmodern culture. A 2007 graduate of Fuller's MDiv program, emphasizing in Worship, Theology and the Arts, he leads a missional community serving the Long Beach area. He is husband to Cassie and adoptive father to 8 month old Chihuahua/Mini Pinscher Betty.

Assignments

kertice — Mon, 28 Sep 2009 15:39:43 CDT

1. Students will visit a church of another race/ethnic tradition several times during the fall and write a 2000 word paper analyzing this community in light of the church worksheet (in terms of nature, liturgy, community, mission, and organization). Due at beginning of class, November 2, 2009 (30%). Late papers will receive a 50% deduction.

2. Students will write a paragraph per chapter read. Student need not write more than 500 words per book, but must reflect on each chapter read nonetheless. Students are encouraged to read in light of final paper, thus these reflections may serve as notes for the term paper as well (15%). Students may read the six books in any order. The six book reports are due on October 7, October 21, November 4, November 18, December 2, and December 11. Each of these are due at beginning of class in hard copy or on your personal blog (except the last one, which may be turned in with the final paper). Late papers will receive a 50% deduction.

3. For class participation, students will write, on the average, 50 words for each class session attended. These 50 words are due at the start of the next day of class in hard copy or on your personal blog (please notify the TA of its web address by e-mailing cbronzan@fuller.edu by Friday, October 2nd). There will be no makeups or acceptance of late work, but of the twenty assignments, only eighteen will be counted. So, students may miss two without a penalty. The topic will be, "My thoughts on the last class session." For the last class reflection, students may turn that in with the final paper. Students will also turn in their in-class team work -- "our perfect church", on the last day of class (15%).

4. Using the church worksheet, students will write a 3000 word term paper, comparing their own tradition (in terms of nature, liturgy, community, mission, and organization) to other historical and contemporary churches, both from the lectures and from the reading. In each section, students will analyze how their own tradition might learn or adopt various practices from these other traditions (40%). Due December 11th at 5pm in 250 North Madison or postmarked on the due date. Late papers will not be accepted for the final paper. If student would like preliminary feedback on the final paper, student may turn in partial work (outline or rough draft) by November 16 and receive feedback by the TA by November 30.

5. MC600 (Th.M) students will read an additional 500 pages and write an extra 1000 words on the final paper.

PREREQUISITES: None

RELATIONSHIP TO CURRICULUM: A required core competency course in the MACCS degree (CSCC). Meets Min 8 requirement for M.Div. Program (MIN8). Meets Ethnicity requirement in the MAT program (ETHN).

FINAL EXAM: None.

Last Date Edited: September 28, 2009


SIS ADDRESS CHANGE!! If mailing in your final work, please address it to: Fuller Theological Seminary c/o: SIS Academic Advising / MC500 250 North Madison Avenue Pasadena, CA 91101

SIS ADDRESS CHANGE!! If mailing in your final work, please address it to:

Fuller Theological Seminary
c/o: SIS Academic Advising / MC500
250 North Madison Avenue
Pasadena, CA 91101

Course Description

kertice — Mon, 28 Sep 2009 15:20:28 CDT

MC500 Church and Mission in a Global Context (4 units)
Ryan K. Bolger, Associate Professor of Church in Contemporary Culture
Fall 2009 Pasadena

DESCRIPTION:
This course serves as a broad introduction to the Church and churches in historical and contemporary contexts. Students will explore a broad variety of ecclesiological formations, exploring the nature of churches, their liturgies, communal life, and their mission in the world. In this course, students will begin to compare and contrast the historical and contemporary church with their own particular tradition.

LEARNING OUTCOMES:
Students will:
* examine the global church through the study of local churches in their particular historical and cultural contexts.
* cite their own relationship to churches outside their ecclesiastical tradition, examining their own assumptions in the process.
* develop an understanding of the nature and mission of the Church and churches, both theologically and sociologically.

COURSE FORMAT:
Class will meet twice a week for two hours, for ten weeks. Class will feature lectures, discussions, small groups, and various forms of media. NOTE: Our class time for Wednesday, November 11 will change from 1-3pm to 3-5pm so that we can hear Bishop Graham Cray speak in Payton 101.

REQUIRED READING:Read at least 175 pages from six of the following books, reaching 1200 pages total:

Garcia-Johnson, Oscar. The Mestizo/A Community of the Spirit. 2008. Princeton. 175 pp.
Gibbs, Eddie and Ryan K. Bolger. Emerging Churches. Baker Books, 2005, 352 pp.
Hanciles, Jehu. Beyond Christendom. Orbis, 2008, 430 pp.
Karkkainen, Veli-Matti. An Introduction to Ecclesiology. IVP. 2002. 200 pp.
Miller, Donald and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism. Univ. of Calif. 2007, 263 pp.
Sanneh, Lamin. Disciples of All Nations. Oxford, 2007, 384 pp.
Tickle, Phyllis. The Great Emergence. Baker Books. 2008, 176 pp.
Van Engen, Charles E. God’s Missionary People. Baker. 1991. 224 pp.

Class Policies

rbolger — Mon, 28 Sep 2009 12:24:16 CDT

WEB SURFING
Students are expected to give 100% to the class when in class. So, the only web surfing that is allowed is that surfing that will directly help the class -- surfing off of related topics, questions, churches, etc. Surfing to check myspace, facebook, email, or twitter diminishes the community's overall experience. Wait for the breaks to check your communications...

ACADEMIC INTEGRITY
Fuller Theological Seminary

At the beginning of this course we, as faculty and students, reaffirm our commitment to be beyond reproach in our academic work as a reflection of Christian character. We commit to honesty in all aspects of our work. We seek to establish a community which values serious intellectual engagement and personal faithfulness more highly than grades, degrees, or publications.

Students are expected to review and understand the commitments to academic integrity as printed in the Student Handbook and the Seminary catalogue. Some infractions can be addressed by personal confrontation and corrective counsel. The following violations of these commitments will be firmly addressed formally:

• Submitting the same work in whole or in part in more than one course without the permission of the professor(s);
• Submitting as one’s own work paper(s) obtained from another source;
• Plagiarism: unattributed quotations or paraphrases of ideas from published, unpublished or electronic sources;
• Unpermitted collaboration in preparing assignments;
• Cheating on exams by any means;
• Aiding another student on papers and tests in violation of these commitments.

Any of these violations will result in a failing grade on the assignment and possibly in the course, and will be reported to the Academic Integrity Group which may impose further sanctions in accordance with the Academic Integrity Policy. Evidence of repeated violations will result in a formal disciplinary process. (For the full statement on Academic Integrity see The Student Handbook 2001-2002 pages 58-60.)

Academic Integrity Group Chair aig-chair@dept.fuller.edu

ONLINE RESOURCES TO HELP AVOID PLAGIARISM
Various resources to help understand proper citation and avoid plagiarism (updated by B. S. Brewster, 05.02.07)

http://www.hamilton.edu/writing/style/plagiarism/plagiarism.html
Avoiding Plagiarism - Hamilton College
When to quote and when not to quote

http://www.hamilton.edu/writing/sources.html
Using sources - Lisa Trivedi and Sharon Williams
How to paraphrase. What is common knowledge

http://owl.english.purdue.edu/handouts/print/research/r_plagiar.html
Avoiding Plagiarism by the Purdue University Online Writing Lab
Challenges in American academic writing
When to give credit. How to avoid plagiarism in research and writing

http://www.indiana.edu/~istd/index.html
How to Recognize Plagiarism - Tutorial - Indiana University
Definition. Overview. Examples. Links to other resources
On-line practice exercises. On-line test—you get a certificate if you get 100% correct

ACCESS SERVICES

Fuller theological Seminary makes reasonable accommodation for persons with documented disabilities. If you have a hidden or visible disability which may require class room or test accommodation, please contact the Access Services Office (first floor of Catalyst/Kreyssler Hall or call 626-584-5439), which is responsible for coordinating accommodations and services for students with disabilities. Additionally, please discuss options with your professor within the first 2 weeks of class.

ATTENDANCE POLICY
Fuller Theological Seminary

Academic credit for a course requires regular class attendance, whether or not this is stated in the syllabus, and is not just a matter of completing the assignments. Attendance means being present in the class for the entire scheduled class meeting, not just some part of it. In the event of absence for any reason, you are responsible for any information or class content missed. The professor may require additional work to make up for an absence. If you are absent from a significant portion of the course or if you are frequently late for class meetings, even due to extenuating circumstances, this may result in a lower grade or even a failing grade for the course.

GRADING PROCEDURES
Class Assignments:
It is essential that all assignments be completed by the start of class on the day they are assigned. This includes all assigned readings. For mid-course due dates, all late work will receive a grade reduction of 10% of the total points for the assignment. Work will not be accepted past the last day of the quarter without an incomplete form being formally submitted and accepted. If an incomplete is formally submitted and accepted in accordance with the requirements from the Registrar’s office, no late penalty will be assessed. In grading work, I will use the following scale:

GRADE MARK DESCRIPTION
A 96-100 Outstanding: The level of research, thinking, and communication are outstanding. You critically evaluate the relevant theories, integrate it in the analysis of your selected topic or case, and show how it is applicable in the context you have chosen. Additionally, you synthesize models to create new understandings and/or theory. This is NOT a common grade.

A- 92-95 Superior: The level of research, thinking, and communication are superior. You understand and interact with the theories, integrate it with your topic, and have shown how it is applicable in the context you have chosen.

B+ 88-91 Very good: The level of research, thinking, and communication are satisfactory. You appear to understand the theories, read the assigned literature, and have made progress in showing how it is applicable in the context you have chosen, though your work could be stronger in both areas.

B 84-87 Satisfactory: The level of research, thinking, and communication are satisfactory. You appear to have read the assigned literature and have made progress in showing how it is applicable in the context you have chosen, though your work could be stronger in both areas.

B- 80-83 Acceptable but average at best: The level of research, thinking, and communication are acceptable. It appears you understand the reading and have made a start in showing how it is applicable in the context you have chosen.

C+ 77-79 Acceptable but definitely below average: The level of research, thinking, and communication are barely acceptable. You have read some of the theories and have started to consider how it is applicable in the context you have chosen, but you have not demonstrated either clearly.

C 74-76 Borderline pass: The level of research, thinking, and communication are borderline. The demonstration of your critical thinking is absent, but the narrative may merit some consideration.

C- 71-73 Not acceptable: Depending on what I see, I may assume you tried, but it is not graduate level. The only reason it received a passing grade is that you submitted it for consideration with some evidence of work done.

F 70 or below

NOTE: Unless it is distinctly specified by professor otherwise, (1) the last day of the quarter is due date for all assignments, (2) students should always submit their papers in an envelope with either their Fuller box #, or a postage-paid envelope with return address. Papers that are not in an envelope with address or Fuller box # cannot be guaranteed to be returned to the student. Non-addressed papers are often put in the “Returned Paper” box in SIS Faculty Assistant office (Payton 227).

Class Blogs

rbolger — Fri, 25 Sep 2009 16:06:29 CDT

John Alexander atthegarage.wordpress.com

Brian Babb brianbabbmc500.blogspot.com

Leila Dali shelahlei-fuller.blogspot.com

Kerby Goff blogkerby.blogspot.com
Aaron Klinefelter aaronklinefelter.net

Charlie Koo 2spheresinconvergence.blogspot.com

Jonathan Sears transcendencepictures.com/notes/
Hisho Uga hishotheuga.jugem.jp

Summer 2009

rbolger — Fri, 25 Sep 2009 16:06:05 CDT

There is no abstract available for this page revision.

Church Worksheet

rbolger — Wed, 01 Jul 2009 02:00:39 CDT

	Jesus Kingdom and Church	Early Churches	Church before Constantine	Church after Constantine	Lutheran Churches	Reformed Churches	Free Churches	Pentecostal Churches	NOTES
Nature of Church
Liturgy, Sacraments
Community, Service
Mission/ Witness
Organization/ Leadership
NOTES

Fall 2008

kertice — Mon, 22 Jun 2009 22:51:06 CDT

There is no abstract available for this page revision.

Cultural Autobiography

rbolger — Fri, 19 Jun 2009 21:40:53 CDT

The cultural autobiography is to be a narrative that explains your self-awareness concerning your racial and ethnic heritage and how that relates to the churches you have attended.

How and when did you consciously use the concepts and/or language of a culture to identify yourself? You can use phases of life (childhood, adolescence, adulthood) or events or people or other markers to tell your story. This is to be a combination of story and reflection – a sequence of experiences and thoughts. If your Christian faith has been part of the story (in defining how you understood your culture, how you were shaped) then include it. Also, if you have experienced significant boundary-crossing, or if you were aware of being “different,” note those experiences and reflect on how they shape you. You do not need to provide any “closure” – rather you may want to summarize what you appreciate, what you struggle with, and what questions you have.

Note how your culture makes you more accessible to the gospel and how it creates barriers. Also, include reflections on your current strengths and the competencies you plan to develop to lead in intercultural settings. Note your historical background, transitions in understanding and practices concerning race/culture, and the interaction of faith, identity, churches you have attended, and worldview. Note any changes you’ve experienced along your journey.

Expectations

As this is not a classic research paper, we do not expect direct quotes. You may, however, wish to cite works that highlight factors you have identified as formative in your cultural development. While you will not be deducted for not doing this, you will probably receive favorable grading if you do, as it shows integration and deeper processing of the course material.
If you come from a situation where you were adopted by a family not of your cultural/racial heritage, or some other situation of displacement, you are to focus on those cultural influences that actually shaped you. So your family, adopted family, foster care, etc. everyone has been shaped by a culture or multiple cultural influences. Your task is to identify those influences and the effects they have had on you personally, how you interact with racial/cultural others, etc.
Though not required, some of you may find it helpful to interview your parents or grandparents if they are still alive and were formative in your upbringing to explore what values were/are important to them. This may help you to uncover some themes that you were not otherwise aware of.

Group Grading 2008

rbolger — Thu, 09 Apr 2009 16:57:10 CDT

Everyone is graded on the project as a whole -- the final project. One grade for the whole product, not section by section.

Students must answer the following questions, and turn this in with their autobiography on Dec. 12, 5pm:

What group were you in?
What grade do you think the group deserves on the group project? Why?
What grade do you think you deserve on the group project? Why?
Is there someone who deserves a higher grade than the group grade? Who, why, and what grade?
Is there someone who deserves a lower grade than the group grade? Who, why, and what grade?

FAQ

rbolger — Thu, 09 Apr 2009 13:08:04 CDT

Can I turn in my reading log late? Can I email it?

No, a hard copy needs to be turned in during class every Monday.

How long should my reading log be?

No more than 2 pages single-spaced, no less than one single-spaced.

Can other research and readings be added to the reading log?

Yes, but it cannot be in substitution for your required reading for that week.

What do I do if I miss a class?

For each class missed, students will read an extra hundred pages and take notes on that reading, this assignment will be due one full week after the day you missed.

How much of our information do we need to put in the final video?

As much as you can but the main goal is to get an overview of your project into the presentation. You don't want just the first page of your wiki, but rather the main gist and key points.

Can I Have Feedback on My Book Review? (Yes)

One thing I really liked seeing was a brief commentary on a quote that explained either the relevance of the quote to your project, or the "ah ha" moment and why it was spurred.
Be sure to use quotations in everything that is a direct quote, don't leave it up to remembering that it is a quote later.
Add pages numbers to whatever you can, even if it isn't a direct quote, this will make it easier for you to retrieve later.
Please include your full name and the name of your group on the paper.
Please include at least the Author and book Title above the notes section, you can include the chapter but don't need to.
In terms of length, 2 full pages single-spaced is as long as it needs to be, anything under 1 full page (single spaced) is too short. You can do more, but you don't need to print it out or turn it in.
Your points need to be more than a phrase, show that you're making connections to the overall topics and issues related to the class and your project. Remember you need to be able to go back to these notes in 7 weeks and understand what you meant by each line, not that you just thought it was interesting, didn't understand it, or didn't agree with it.
Please do not simply provide a summary or highlight the main points of the reading. Provide some interaction with or critique the material so that we can see that you are grappling with the issues and attempting to integrate them with your project and ministry context.

Suggestions:
Keep this all in one document so you can search and find easily.

Some people are categorizing their readings with little tags "UNI" could mean universalism, etc. Either that or they are creating notes underneath subheadings that relate to particular topics (if you do it this way make sure to cite well).

Lecture Notes

rbolger — Thu, 09 Apr 2009 13:06:39 CDT

These are working copies of each lecture as recorded by the students. Students are encouraged to add to these notes as they see fit.

Sept 29-Dec.12, 2008

September 29, 2008 Day 1

October 1, 2008 Day 2

October 6, 2008 Day 3

October 8, 2008 Day 4

October 13, 2008 Day 5

October 15, 2008Day 6

October 20, 2008 Day 7

October 22, 2008 Day 8

October 27, 2008 Day 9

October 29, 2008 Day 10

November 3, 2008 Day 11

November 5, 2008 Day 12

November 10, 2008 Day 13

November 12, 2008 Day 14

November 17, 2008 Day 15

November 19, 2008 Day 16

November 24, 2008 Day 17

November 26, 2008 Day 18

December 1, 2008 Day 19

December 3, 2008 Day 20

Church Tradition Template

rbolger — Thu, 09 Apr 2009 13:06:03 CDT

Don't edit this page.

In this course, we connect the disciplines of ecclesiology, missiology, postcolonial studies, and race/ethnic studies. For a particular racial group (African-American, Asian, Latino/a and Native American, and White) explore how the following postcolonial themes manifest: diaspora, identity, race, cultural difference, hybridity, gender, sexuality, feminism, postmodernism, nationalism, globalization, and empire. For the sake of consistency and focus, each group may select a particular denomination or tradition within that racial category. We will listen to their stories and explore how to be the people of God in the midst of these powers.

Group Members (7 or 8):
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Introduction

Racial Group:
Denomination:
Region of the World:

Universality

Description
Stories
Dreams

Difference

Description
Stories
Dreams

Representation and Resistance

Description
Stories
Dreams

Nationalism, Education, History

Description
Stories
Dreams

Hybridity, Indigeneity

Description
Stories
Dreams

Ethnicity, Race

Description
Stories
Dreams

History, Place

Description
Stories
Dreams

Feminism

Description
Stories

Production and Consumption

Description
Stories
Dreams

Globalization, Environment, Religion

Description
Stories
Dreams

Diaspora, Place

Description
Stories
Dreams

Language, Body & Performance

Description
Stories
Dreams

Conclusion

Sketch

JHantla — Wed, 01 Apr 2009 22:42:29 CDT

Group Members (7 or 8):

1. Khup Ngaihte (kngaihte@gmail.com, 562-713-3598 )--difference, language body, performance
3. Courtney Raymond (courtneyraymond@fuller.edu)--hybridity, indigineity, feminism
4. Aaron Caluza (aaron.caluza@gmail.com)--universality, globalization, environment, religion
5. Kevin Panicker--production, consumption, diaspora, place
6. E. Uche Nyeche--ethnicity, race, language, body, performance

7. Matt Meares (mattmeares@gmail.com)--representation, resistance, globalization, environment, religion

all the resources that were previously here got moved to our "sketch" page.

Resources on our tradition:
Uche
a little history

According to Philip Jenkins, "Founded in the Near East, Christianity for its first thousand years was stronger in Asia and North Africa than Europe, and only after about 1400 did Europe (and Europeanized North America) decisively become the Christian heartland. This account challenges the oddly prevalent view of Christianity as a White or Western ideology that was foisted on the rest of an unwilling globe, under the auspices of Spanish galleons, British redcoats, and American televangelists.

Uche

Description Newsweek Oct 27, 2008.

Stories New Bible Publications due out very soon on the shelfs
DreamsTo have the Bible become more readerable with Jessica Bennett writing "The book opens with an Andy Warhol poster ("Repent and Sin no more!") and juxtaposes modern imagery with ancient scripture. In Matthew, pssage about revenge is paired with a photo of shattered glass from a 1970 shooting of two black students in Mississippi. Mark ("God says,'I will send my messenger ahead of you to open the way''') runs with photos of Ghandhi, Nelson Mandela-OK so far- and Angelina Jolie. "It's a kind of un-Bible approach to presenting the text," says Philip Townner of the American Bible Association, which provided the book's Good News Translation. "The idea is to get the reader to move from the image to the text." Could there be for that Zionist Movement introduced their cultural ways to attract more numbers to their movement?

Aaron

I'm a little less familiar with the Zionist Movement in South Africa than some of you. Therefore my research my be a little basic. If anyone else is in my boat I found a wikipedia page that provides basic information on the location and beliefs of the largest African initiated church in South Africa,Zion Christian Church.

Here's a linkthat gives abrief historyto Zionism in South Africa.

Here's a wikipedia pageonZionist Churches. There isn't much there but there are some resources at the bottom you could check into.

This is a link on information onallAfrican Initiated Churches.
This is the wikipedia page of thechurch that foundedthe Zionist movement.
Here's the link to the book online that I (Courtney) mentioned,Christianity in South Africa.

An Introduction to Pentecostalismby Allan Anderson

I am glad you are no longer on the edge. Yes, the Zionist movement is inextricably entewind with Pentecostalism. Some claim that it had its origin from Chicago but according to Allan Anderson in his book 'An introduction to Pentecostalism', he writes, "Dutch Reformed missionary in South Africa, together with some 400 Africans in what is now the province of Mpumalanga, joined the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church of John Alexander Dowie in Zion City, near Chicago, a movement that emphasized divine healing and triune baptism of adult believers by immersion." that is the name to Zionist movement of South Africa. We all read of the 'Upper Room' events in Acts, and early Church community of the Holy Spirit to see history. Be blessed my sister.

Kevin: I have found some resources in our library that might be useful as we study this church tradition. I have checked out the following books:

Zulu Zion and some Swazi Zionistsby Bengt Sundkler
Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/Apostolic Churches in South Africaby Allan Anderson
The Influence of Numinous Power in the African Traditional Religion and the Zionist Churches in Soweto - A Comparative Studyby Sello Maboea (dissertation)

Please let me know if you would like to use any of these books. I checked them out so that we as a group can have access to these.

There is also a reference book that provides a brief overview of the South African Zionist movement:

The Cambridge History of Christianity, Volume 9 World Christianities c. 1914-2000, edited by Hugh McLeod (Ref BR 145.3 .C35 2006 v.9)

Khup Ngaihte:
I just read this book and added the appropriate notes below:
Isichei, Elizabeth.A History of Christianity in Africa: From Antiquity to the Present. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1995.

I am also reading these books.

Kitshoof, M.C., ed.African Independent Churches Today: Kaleidoscope of Afro-Christianity. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1996.
Hastings, Adrian.The Church in Africa 1450-1950. New York: Oxford University Press Inc., 1994.

A snippet from People of the Dream about dreams. I think this is what we are supposed to be looking for in our sections...what were/are the Zionists hopes or fears that led them to start their church and what dreams sustain them now.
People of the Dream
Why “People of the Dream?” “Dreams are often thought of as visions or hoped-for directions that guide people from a problematic place to a better one.” (p.26) However, some dreams are scary or not based on reality at all.

Zionist South Africa

cwdaniels — Thu, 08 Jan 2009 15:55:11 CST

Introduction

Racial Group: Africans

Denomination: Zionist Movement

Region of the World: South Africa

The goal of history and of this brief study of South African Zionism is to offer an unbiased and accurate account of events without ‘the authority to interpret into the interpretation” (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin 2006, 317). In order to understand the current state of affairs in South Africa, specifically related to Zionism, it is important to look at the rich and sometimes uncomfortable history of the nation. Settler colonies tend to find it difficult to define oneself as a nation because national identities tend to be based upon commonalities, i.e. religion, language or racial unity. Settler colonies are faced with their “mosaic’ reality” and are illustrations of “the constructedness of nations” resulting from western nations carved up the world (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin 2006, 117). As a result of colonialism, it is now impossible to separate any identity or thought as original or separate from colonial powers because colonialism has shaped the way South Africa views its history, religion and even self. After a brief overview of the history of South Africa and Zionism, several aspects of South Africa today will be explored and how they have some bearing on Zionist Christianity.

It is important to realize that, despite claims that African Zionism began as a uniquely African movement, in reality it owes a great deal to its western influence during its early years, yet was able to continue to grow and find its own identity. Zionism in South Africa has effectively blended traditional African religions with Christian practices. Robin Horton, asserts that African Christianity is not the result of effective conversions by the western missionaries, but rather should be viewed as “expressions of African nationalism” (Viswanathan 2006, 521). In agreement with this Allan Anderson believes that the rapid growth of African Pentecostalism is rooted in “the spiritual hunger that needed to be assuaged in a truly African expression of Christianity” (Anderson 2000, 56).

Universality

Universality are ideas which are assumed by the majority culture, if not all, but few are completely agreed upon. This is due to the fact that people assume their worldview and life experiences are the norm for all humanity. Typically though, cross-cultural experiences vary in significant ways. For example, people groups generally believe that their experience and expression of the idea of love to would be expressed universally regardless of culture, gender, race, etc. However, this is usually not the case.

Zionist traditional form of worship

The Zionist Church in South Africa is no exception and, just as any other people group, it holds to certain particular life experiences which are consistent throughout the culture. (Photo is the front cover of: Pobee, John S., and Gabriel Ositelu II. African Initiatives in Christianity. Geneva, Switzerland: WCC Publications, 1998.)

Related to this, syncretism also seems to be a universal belief in that the Zionist church incorporates indigenous religious practices such as ancestor worship and African dance. This type of syncretism is a key component to the Zionist Church. The church strives to maintain an “orthodox” faith while also still engaging their cultural traditional practices. Engenas Lekganyane, the leader of the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), clashed with white leaders over his use of his African expressions of worship. For example, some disapproved of Lekganane’s practice of polygamy and the acceptance of it in the church. Others disapproved of the use of external symbols (ie. use of staffs in worship and wearing robes).

The lack of distinction between the secular and sacred realm is a universal belief in the Zionist Church. Zionist’s believe that sickness, injury, and evil all revolved around spirituality. The use of modern medicines does not appear to be common within this tradition. Faith healings demonstrate a tangible example of the understanding that everything is sacred or spiritual.

Other universal beliefs with the he Zionist Church include the belief that baptisms should be done in rivers, often referred to as “Jordan baptisms”, in a three-fold immersion symbolizing the trinity and are reserved for adults only. The idea behind this tradition is to fully imitate the baptism of Jesus in order to receive the Holy Spirit as Christ did. Also, a large population of the church also believes in avoiding particular types of foods and beverages. Many of the members hold to a belief that certain foods are taboo. The ZCC, specifically, is characterized by an emphasis on divine and faith healing, purification rites, dancing, night communion, river baptism, the holy spirit, and prophesying.

Since the church has been under native leadership from its foundation in the 19th century it would be easy for a Westerner to misinterpret some of the churches practices and theological convictions. Many outsiders claim that the church exemplifies a form of heresy and not a true expression of Christianity. People observe the churches interaction and inclusion of indigenous practices and immediately declare them unorthodox or heretics. Outsiders may also look to the church as being exclusive for black Africans. Though, the church was not founded to be exclusive to any particular race the apartheid in South Africa has contributed to the homogeneous look of the church.

The Zionist Church does hold to a handful of universal beliefs. However, their convictions are not too different than other traditions. Although they distinguish themselves while attempting to blend the native practices with their faith, they stand fast as a part of the universal church.

Difference

Zionism is a Pentecostal denomination, a branch of Christianity, which is prominent in the Third World and is a part of the AICs, which can interchangeably stand for African Independent Churches, African Indigenous Churches, African Initiated Churches, or African Instituted Churches. Of the thousands of AICs which exist today, 10,000 are in South Africa alone. The AICs are the largest and possibly the most important religious group in South Africa, and are more present in South Africa than elsewhere in the continent.

South African AICs are split up into three types: Ethiopian, Apostolic, and Zionist. The Zion Christian Church (ZCC) being the most popular of the Zionist category comprising around 80% of the AICs and at least two thousand churches in South Africa include Zion in their name (Venter 2004, 28).

South African Zionism is sometimes mistaken for a Zulu creation and beginning with prophets. Instead it began with missionaries and this was reflected in its doctrine and liturgy. However, African Zionism was not as concerned about literacy as the founding missionaries, but instead focused on healing, full immersion baptism of adults, and Christ’s imminent Second Coming. The theology of African Zionism is also not as formulated as other Western and Pentecostal denominations.

ZCC Emblem
AICs also tend to emphasize the Holy Spirit, at times even more so than God the Son. The gifts of the Holy Spirit are manifested in a visible and charismatic manner that include the ability to perform exorcism, to have visions, and to speak in tongues. The AICs do not typically involve themselves into political affairs directly as a group, but rather seek to avoid conflict or confrontations with the law or the authorities.

There are a number of reasons why the AICs broke off from the mainline churches. Some of these reasons include the church being seen as a nationalistic institution; to escape the colonial and slavery themes and practices of the ‘White Christianity’; and a desire to worship freely by singing, dancing, shouting, laughing and also crying. In addition, the Zionist Church provides an alternative, holistic spirituality to the poor. It would be quite impossible and every complicated to rejoin the AICs with mainline Christianity and Protestantism now. Interestingly, despite the separation from the Western forms of Christianity the members of the AICs did not embrace negative feelings towards the whites, but instead love and prayers. Interestingly enough, Western Pentecostals are not at times open with including Zionists in the definition of Pentecostalism.

The continual growth of the AICs is a result of a number of factors. Firstly, they have a great ability to combine Western Christianity and African traditions. Secondly, they are a bridge the rural-urban elements of the people in South Africa. Thirdly, they provide protection from evil, sorcery, superstitions, and sickness. Lastly, they have a strong emphasis on evangelism (2004, 28-29; Anderson 2000, 125).

Representation and Resistance

Representation is often characterized by a production of information from a European framework which usually depicts the non-European’s culture as lacking or heathenish. “Such texts...were not accounts of different peoples and societies, but a projection of European fears and desires masquerading as scientific/objective/knowledge” (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin 2006, 85). This information is then represented to the colonized people through education by the ruling empire. This cycle of misinformation results in skewed views of the indigenous people by the rest of the world and themselves.

The first depictions of South Africa were given by explorers, colonizers, western scholars, western media, and the popular press. Africans were generally depicted as irrational, backwards, pagan, and as children who were unaware of modern life. African societies appeared to Europeans to be stateless, lacking structure, and dominated by tribal conflict. However, the Africa depicted by explorers was used to explain and justify its colonization pursuits. Europeans postured themselves as proponents of civilization and carriers of Christian salvation. It is important to note that South Africans had no say in the way they were portrayed to the rest of the world. It was out of this worldview that the Zionist Church in South Africa was established.

Resistance is characterized by opposition to colonial representations and can come through any number of avenues. The Zionist church represents a form of cultural resistance in the struggle of the black working class, “...the Zionist apostolic churches are a response to, and simultaneously a form of protest against, the alienation of the black working class” (Hofmeyr and Pillay 1994, 216). The economic situation in the 1940’s led to an influx of rural black Africans looking for work in urban areas. As this group continued to grow, they were increasingly alienated and impoverished because the majority of them were uneducated and unskilled (Hope & Young 1981, 191). Many of these found a home in the Zionist church whose primary concern was the welfare of its members and it validated and celebrated black African traditional culture. From this context, “resilience, rather than mere acculturation” (1994, 216) becomes a form of resistance. Thus, the impact of the Zionist Church on society comes in providing a sense of hope and a vision for the future to a dispossessed people. With the increase in secularization of the state, religion was able to flourish in the private sector without governmental influence. The people found the church greatly lacking in their ability to provide and turned to the church for those needs. Ogbu Kalu, in his book African Pentecostalism believes that African Zionist theologies enabled a critique of inherited political systems and remained a dissenting voice against the apartheid system (Kalu 2008, 37).

The formation and growth of the Zionist church represents a form of religious resistance against historical African Christian churches. In these churches, blacks were often marginalized as in the Dutch reformed Church which supported segregation. “For them the church in South Africa has been and continues to be part of the oppressive system. Christianity was used as a means to colonize, suppress and alienate blacks...They view every white man’s institution as an instrument of oppression -- his industry, his education, and his Christianity” (Elphick 1997, 385). In South Africa, the nature of the political climate should have evoked reaction and protest from African historical churches. However, the failure of “white churches” to confront racism in any effective way “produced an under-current of disillusionment and even cynicism among some black activists” (1997, 384). Furthermore, the lack of understanding and sometimes strict rules of missionaries led to many breaking away from colonial mission churches to join the Zionist Church (Daneel 1970, 11). Therefore, the Zionist church as an indigenous movement led primarily by black Africans which operates from traditional black African culture sets itself against a oppressive white ruled social structure.

In the arena of political resistance, the Zionist church can be characterized as a sleeping giant. In the midst apartheid, one of the world’s great injustices, and a history of civil rights abuse and political oppression since its inception, the Zionist church was apolitical. As the struggle against apartheid mounted and member churches of the SACC became its greatest opponent, the Zionist church remained in the periphery. “A haven from white political domination and economic exploitation, it was essentially separatist, avoiding confrontation with the state, and posing no direct threat to apartheid structures” (1997, 389). In 1985, at one of the church’s vast annual gatherings, President Botha congratulated the church for keeping religion and politics separate and for dutiful obedience to the state. With members so ingrained in the oppression and violence of apartheid it is hard to reason why the Zionist Church remained voiceless.

A hope for the Zionist church would to offer resistance on the political front. Many Zionist members live in a system of poverty where they are excluded from the sociopolitical structure. Though the Zionist Church is characterized by small loosely affiliated gatherings, becoming organized into a political force would give its members a voice in creating a better life for themselves.

Nationalism, Education, History

In Philip G. Altbach’s article “Education and Neocolonialism” he sees education as a form of neo-colonialism because western forms of education are mimicked in nations around the world and viewed as a remnant of the colonial era (Altbach 2006, 381). Although there is some truth in this statement, a more balanced view should be taken into account. Consistent with this, Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin believe that “Education should not been seen as wholly wrong because although it was used by colonial powers as a form of social control it also created an environment that allowed for “the most potentially fruitful routes to a dis/mantling of colonialist and neocolonial authority and of bringing different cultures into contact on the basis of exchange…” (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin 2006, 373). Once again it is necessary to admit indebtedness to the colonial past and yet still offer a critique of the current educational system.

Charles Loram, when looking at the South African educational system in 1917, stated that “the history of Native education in south Africa is the history of South African missions, for it is due entirely to the efforts of the missionaries that the Native of South Africa have received any education at all…” (Loram 1917, 46). Western Education was first brought to South Africa by missionaries of the Dutch Reformed Church which centered on biblical teachings necessary for confirmation. This practice was continued when the British took control under the London Missionary Society as they continued to focus more in rural areas. This posed a problem in South Africa because of an issue of language. Should education be taught in English, the language of the ruling power, in Afrikaans, a derivative from Dutch rule, or in a local tribal dialect? On this issue colonialism left an indelible mark in South Africa as this issue has yet to be resolved.

Other negative influences of colonialism on the education system which persist in the system today include an emphasis on technical skills over “socially aware individuals” and colonial forms of education often emphasized inequality in education, with an emphasis on education for urban areas (Altabach 2006, 381). In the twentieth century, the education system assumed economic importance as it prepared young Africans for low-wage labor and protected the privileged white minority from competition. From the 1950s to the mid-1990s, no other social institution reflected the government's racial philosophy of apartheid more clearly than the education system. Because the schools were required to both teach and practice apartheid, they were especially vulnerable to the weaknesses of the system. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 was particularly crushing for any hope of equality in education. According to the Library of Congress on South Africa, Verwoerd, then minister of native affairs and one of the biggest supporters of the act, stated that black Africans “should be educated for their opportunities in life”, and that there was no place for them “above the level of certain forms of labor”.

An inequality between blacks and whites still persists today in South Africa. In 2002, only 4,637 of the 19,765 students who received passes in national math exams were black. Another study showed that only 5% of black students received a high school certificate and were able to enter university in 2003, compared with 7% colored, 41% Indian and 36% white; these statistics are similar to ones received ten years prior (Economist 2006, 9).

South Africa guarantees free basic
education to all school aged children

How will this inequality ever be overcome? Altbach ends his article by stating, “only when an adequate understanding of modern neocolonialism in its many facets is achieved will it be possible to change the domination of West over East to a more equitable arrangement in an increasingly interdependent world” (Altbach 2006, 384).

Hybridity, Indigeneity

"Whenever Christianity, unencumbered by its various cultural expressions, encounters another living
religion, a transformation takes place. This transformation takes place in both directions. The Christian
message challenges, confronts, and changes what appears inconsistent with tis proclamation and what
seems inadequate in the other religion. At the same time, the other religion transforms and enriches the
Christian message so that it is understandable and relevant within the worldview in which it is
submerged" (Anderson 2000, 215).

In general, it is easier to talk about hybridity in relation to other areas, such as feminism, globalization, language, etc., than as a subject of its own. The Zionist South African Church, however, does have many evidences of hybridity in its practices. While its roots lie predominantly in Western Pentecostalism, it was a church started by Africans for Africans. They have never been led by Westerners nor have they sought to conform to Western standards of Christianity in regards to theology or practice. Their practices of speaking in tongues and their emphasis on healing are similar to Pentecostal churches in the United States, but they elaborated on these practices and currently use different tools and methods for most of their healing sessions than their Western Pentecostal counter parts.

The Zionist Church was strongly influenced by the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion of Chicago, Illinois. The founder of this church, John Alexander Dowie, taught that divine healing, baptism of adults by immersion, and belief in the imminent return of Christ were all primary foundations of the faith. He encouraged his followers to abstain from alcohol and tobacco and to set themselves apart from the modern world. When one of Dowie's followers, Daniel Nkonyane, went to South Africa to spread Christianity he incorporated many of these practices into his church. The Zionist South African Church as we know it was born out of this movement.

Over the years the church members have made the practices they have learned from these and other Western or Western influenced groups increasingly more African. Some examples of this include: baptism my immersion in the river (not just any water), divine healing by means of intercession through ancestral spirits or sacred tools (such as holy sticks), and the incorporation of group dancing into worship practices. As one historian has said, "both groups had in common the intentions to resist the ills of modernity (Albright 1995, 99)", but their means of doing so doesn't always look the same.

Ethnicity, Race

The Zionist Church is predominantly African initiated and African led, although the history of Africa Zionism remained intertwined with white Pentecostal for some time (see History for more information on the development of African Zionism). Pieter Le Roux along with other white missionaries founded the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM). Despite initial efforts to maintain racial unity in the Zionist movement, soon after being founded, the AFM began segregating baptisms. Africans within the AFM were left with no legal status for 75 years. As a result, in 1917, Elias Mahlangu broke away to form the Zion Apostolic Church of South Africa. Additionally, in 1925, Engenas Lekganyane, a former disciple of Le Roux, broke away from the AFM to found the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), to be led solely by Africans. The decision to split arose from increasing tensions between blacks who felt they were being denied leadership in the church by the predominately white leadership; as well they felt they were denied full expression of traditional African beliefs.

The Zionist church has always faced the issue of race because it has been described as the church for the marginalized of society. Only in Zionism can the marginalized receive power and recognition. As a result of apartheid, there was a greater proliferation of AICs; the more people were marginalized the more people sought out faith in God in an attempt to maintain human dignity. The apartheid system with its racism and enforced segregation within early South African Pentecostalism drove many Africans into rejecting European forms of Christianity and resulted in the mushrooming of African independent churches.

Within the Apostolic Faith Mission, this was not the case though. Throughout apartheid until 1994, racism remained a common practice within the church and denying leadership to non-whites. According to Allan Anderson, “Pentecostalism acquiesced in the society of its day and became a bastion of apartheid.” (Anderson 2000, 109). They have been charged with accepting the status quo rather than fighting the system as their fellow AICs were doing. One African man stood out amongst the inequality and fought for what was right.

Frank Chikane was born in 1951 in Soweto, South African which was considered the hub of political activity. As a member of AFM, he knew that it had favored segregation and white leadership since 1910. He was forced to reconcile his faith with his politics and as a result was regularly accused of not being a Christian or worse a communist. Despite this, Chikane fought for what was right. He stated that, “The misuse of the Word of God to justify the status quo…that white form of Christianity, was nullifying Jesus’ work on the cross…To me the most serious sin was this sin of subverting the very mission of God in this world by creating a situation where millions of Blacks would fail to believe” (Anderson 2000, 94). After years of fighting to reverse the status quo and obtain leadership for black Africans, in 1996 Chickane was elected as the vice president of the AFM.

A dream for the future of the Zionist movement would be that it would continue to be a voice for the marginalized and always have men and women like Chikane who would be willing to stand and fight against the status quo.

For more information regarding race during apartheid, check out this article "A Crazy Game of Musical Chairs" Time Magazine Mar. 9, 1987: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,963680,00.html

History, Place

The definition in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader of "place" is of “a complex interaction of language, history and environment” (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin 2006, 345). In order to understand the current state of affairs in South Africa, specifically related to Zionism, it is important to look at the rich and sometimes uncomfortable history of the nation.

South Africa, although originally intended to be a trading center for the Dutch East India Company, quickly developed into a settler colony by 1652. The Dutch did not immediately take a segregation stance with the so-called “natives”. The two main ethnic groups, of whom both were migratory herding tribes, which were present at the time of Dutch colonization were the Khoikhoi and the San peoples. The Dutch realized that they did not have the manpower to enslave the people so they began a trading relationship which quickly turned hostile. The Khoikhoi had several conflicts in 1659 and later in 1673 to 1677 which had a damaging effect on the population. By the time small pox was introduced in 1713, these tribes were never able to regain strength as a powerful force. They were then forced into enslaved labor and lost their rights to the land. This is a small glimpse of what would become common practice in the colonial era.

The British took control of the Cape Colony in 1795 and after years of vacillation during the Napoleonic Wars, it was finally sold to the British in 1814. The British continued the policy of the Dutch toward the indigenous population, never enslaving the people yet still ensuring that they remain powerless. In 1809, the British instituted the Hottentot Code which required all Khoikhoi and other free blacks to carry passes stating where they lived and who their employers were (Hottentot was a derogatory term to refer to the Khoikhoi people). Persons without such passes could be forced into employment by white masters. As a result of pressure from the missionaries, this Code was repealed in the 1820s and gave way to Ordinance 50 which won the right for equal freedom and protection for all indigenous population. This was one catalyst which led to slavery being abolished in all British colonies in 1834. Despite the rhetoric, Africans continued to be treated as second-class citizens.

Picture is from "page vi" of: Elphick, Richard, and Rodney Davenport, eds. Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997.

The African Zionist movement traces its origins back to Wakkerstroom in Mpulmalanga where the first indigenous expression of Pentecostalism began when as many as 141 Africans were baptized and converted (Anderson & Pillay 1997, 229). These converts began to identify themselves as Zionists, thus separating themselves from traditional Pentecostalism, although a strict differentiation is not quiet clear. Zionism is also indebted to the Christian Catholic Church in Zion (CCCZ) in Zion City, Illinois led by their charismatic leader, John Alexander Dowie. Zionism was brought to South Africa by several American missionaries including John G. Lake and Daniel Bryant, both who studied under Dowie and later went to South Africa to baptize followers of the Zionist movement. It was Daniel Byrant who preformed the baptisms at Wakkerstoom. In 1908, Lake, along with other Zionist, founded the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) with the coverts of Wakkerstoom. The AFM later was led by Pieter L. le Roux who was also baptized there.

Despite initial efforts to maintain racial unity in the Zionist movement, soon after being founded, the AFM began segregating baptisms. Africans within the AFM were left with no legal status for 75 years. As a result, in 1917, Elias Mahlangu broke away to form the Zion Apostolic Church of South Africa. Additionally, in 1925, Engenas Lekganyane, a former disciple of Le Roux, broke away from the AFM to found the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), to be led solely by Africans. The decision to split arose from increasing tensions between blacks who felt they were being denied leadership in the church by the predominately white leadership; as well they felt they were denied full expression of traditional African beliefs. For example, some disapproved of Lekganane’s practice of polygamy and the acceptance of it in the church. Others disapproved of the use of external symbols (ie. use of staffs in worship and wearing robes).

John Alexander Dowie in his traditional robes

Feminism

The concept of Feminism in the Zionist Churches of South Africa is a relatively new and untapped subject of research. This is primarily due to the fact that, until recently, the church and nation as a whole had been struggling so much for freedom and equality that gender issues were pushed to the background. As one South African feminist author said, "which is more important, which comes first, the fight for female equality or the fight against Western cultural imperialism (Ashcroft, 235)?" While many people in South Africa are still struggling for equality, enough ground has been covered for at least some people to begin the conversation of gender equality, both within and outside of the church.

Women in the Zionist churches of South Africa have played a vital role in its services and growth ever since its creation in the late 1800's- early 1900's. The church was founded by men and its earliest followers were predominantly male (Elphick 1997, 218). However, women in the church were at least given more freedom than they were outside of the church. Their involvement was primarily through manyanos, or women's organizations, where they came together to talk, pray, and discuss their frustrations. In the early 1900's the women were only allowed this freedom within their own spheres and they were taught (primarily by the white missionaries) that their main objective should be to "consolidate Christianity among the folks (Elphick 1997, 256)" and to raise godly children. The African women did not take to such a view and by the middle of the century women were taking on more and more leadership roles within the church, generally as prophets or evangelists. By this time, the percentage of women had increased to such an extent that the ratio of women to men was approximately 3 to 1, a percentage still holding to this day.

There is little information available on the percentage of female to male prophets or any clarification on what jobs are considered predominantly male or female, but by the 1990's most AIC's were allowing women to be ordained. While this is evidence of some ground being made for the women of Zionism, it is safe to say that many of them still only dream of their equality with men being fully recognized, of being seen as more than back-room prayer warriors or dutiful mothers.

For a great resource on feminism in South Africa, click here.

Production and Consumption

The post-colonial theme of “production and consumption” refers to the production and consumption of cultural products, both textual and material, within a society.
The production of these cultural products is underpinned by power – in the case of colonialism, the cultural products of the more politically powerful colonizer were distributed in the world of the colonized. The creation of cultural products is based on the power and resources available for its production. In the post-colonial context of limited resources, it is often the case that the most dominant cultural products (literary texts especially) are not those of the post-colonial subject, but those of the colonizer (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006:397-398).The cultural products of the colonized are limited because often there aren’t enough power or resources to produce them (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006, 397-398).

In post-colonial study, material commodities are said to represent social forms and distributions of knowledge. One example of this is the advertising and consumption of soap promoted by Britain in its colonies. Soap, according to Anne McClintock, is representative of Britain’s “civilizing mission” in its promotion of purification (“moral and economic salvation”) and in the way its entry into markets was facilitated by the powers of the British Empire (McClintock 2006:413-416).

In the context of the South African Zionist Church, the colonizer was primarily made up of people of British and Dutch descent (A short history of South Africa). However, it can be said that the major cultural power holders at the founding of the church were primarily Dutch and American missionaries. While they did not wield national, political, or economic power, they did hold power to influence the politics and culture of the first Zionist church (Christianity in Africa South of the Sahara: Zionism).

The Zionist Church has found ways to either adapt Western forms of cultural production to their context or outright reject them. There are certain cultural forms that the Zionist Church has accepted into its own tradition and appropriated for its own purposes. The name, "ZION", for example, is a cultural production of the West, for it was originally extracted from Zion City, Illinois, from which came John Alexander Dowie, the assumed founder of the Zionist Church (Kalu 2006:206). The adoption of the name “Zion” for the emerging African Zionist Church was not out of compulsion or paternalism, but rather out of a spiritual conviction of freedom that the African members themselves attached to the name. Another cultural product adapted by the Zionist Church is the white robes donned by its clergy and members, signifying those who are part of Zion. While the white robes were said to originate from a vision witnessed by Michael Ngomezulu, an early leader, it is also known that a white robe was worn by the American founder John Alexander Dowie (Sundkler 1976:48).

Despite the acceptance of certain Western cultural products, it can be said that the Zionist Church produces and consumes predominantly African products. One among many examples is the communal worship style used by the Zionists. In comparisons between the worship styles of the Zionist Church and the Lutheran Church in South Africa, Bendt Sundkler’s assessment was that “the Zionists also score heavily because of their form of worship. Their catchy songs and rhythm are more attractive than the slow-moving and difficult hymns of European hymns.”(Sundkler 1976:263). Along with “catchy songs and rhythm”, the Zionist form of communal worship involves distinctly African forms of expression such as “orality…the use of indigenous knowledge, symbols, and ritual resources.” The Cambridge History of Christianity terms the Zionist Church as having achieved a “liturgical revolution…by bringing traditional worship style into the church through song, dance, choruses, and indigenous instruments.” (Kalu 2006:208). In African culture, the leader of a homestead keeps a staff at his house. In the Zionist Church, staffs are used by the prophets and bishops as weapons that provide protection from evil because they are prayed over. They are also used as substitutes for the laying on of hands for prayer. There are different types of staffs made of wood, metal, or bronze (Maboea 1999:104-106). Flags that have been prayed over by the leaders of the church are used for various purposes: protection from evil spirits, as a symbol of the power of the Holy Spirit, to be placed at the houses of new members as motivation (Maboea 1999:112-113).

The use of certain commodities by the Zionist Church reflect “complex social forms and distributions of knowledge” as described in post-colonial study (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006:417-420). The importance of “blessed water” in the healings of the Zionist Church, along with demonstrating a conflation of Biblical symbols and African beliefs, characterizes the spirituality in the Zionist culture. In cases of healing, members have been asked to drink water and then vomit it out, as a way of expelling the sickness from their bodies. This approach reflects the influence of traditional African religion on the Zionist Church; in traditional healing methods, “a patient must expel the 'death' that is in the stomach to be healed. The vomiting is believed to remove not only physical sickness but spiritual defilement also. The water is seen to represent purification from evil, sin, sickness and ritual pollution, concepts carried over from traditional thought."(Anderson 2000:194).The use of water in the act of healing informs the neutral observer not only of the influence of traditional African religion on the Zionist Church, but also the holistic worldview of the Zionists, who perceive sickness and healing to be have inextricably linked physical and spiritual dimensions.

Members of the Zionist Church reject modern medicine and instead use prayed-over ash and water for healing. Ash is considered to be clean and pure, becoming an agent for healing and protection from evil spirits after it has been prayed over. After being mixed with water, ash is drunk, used for baths, or posted on door posts and window frames. It is seen as symbolic of the power of G-d to heal. Other substances used during the healing process are lime, blue stone, epsom salts, milk, and blue soap (Maboea 1999:107-108). Like water and ash, tea and coffee which has been prayed over or specially made is used for healing purposes. The Zion Christian Church is known to produce special teas for healing, labeled in Sesotho as tea ya bophelo ("tea of life"). A member of the Zionist Church testifies that his child was healed from a deformity when the child was given the special tea mixed with special water (Anderson 2000:298).

A dream for the Zionist Church is for cultural products, such as songs, music, and other forms of worship and church life, to be developed and used within the church. A potential challenge is the loss of appreciation for uniquely Zionist cultural products by younger generations, especially as they are exposed in larger South African society to other, Western-influenced cultures. This problem can be mitigated through educating children on the cultural products specific to the Zionist Church. Similarly, there is a possibility that younger generations growing up in increasingly modern environments will lose the strong sense of physical-spiritual interdependence currently espoused by the Zionists. The continual exposure of younger generations to the healing practices of the Zionist Church will serve as a reminder to them of specific Zionist cultural beliefs.

Globalization, Environment, Religion

Globalization is a process whereby individual lives and local communities are affected by economic and cultural forces operating world-wide. The rhetoric of globalization similarly focuses on the economic ‘backwardness’ of the 3rd world and the benefits these countries can achieve by being associated with the 1st world. The Zionist church, in the conservation and recapturing of indigenous religious practices, stands as a religio-cultural antithesis to globalization. Members of the Zionist do enjoy the positive features of globalization such as access to technology, information, services and markets that benefit their community. However, Zionists' resistance to globalization may be viewed as a consequence of the low economic status of most members, leaving them in many respects beyond the reach of globalization. Being unscathed by the influence of globalism has allowed the Zionists to form an almost purely indigenous religion.

The Zionist Church in South Africa is an African church, with both African founders and leaders, and with no Western control (Anderson, 48). It is considered an African Initiated Church (AIC) that has successfully contextualized Christianity in the African context. Nonetheless, the Zionist Church still considers the Bible to be their governing authority. Allan Anderson says, “One of the central features of many of the Zionist and Pentecostal churches described here has been the rejection of key elements in traditional religion, particularly traditional divination and ancestor commemoration…” Anderson then refers to M.L. Daneel, who suggests that contextualization is not a "simplistic adaptation to traditional thought" but it is rather "an adaptation that, while displaying parallels with traditional religion, essentially implies a continuing confrontation with and creative transformation of traditional religion and values.” (Anderson, 309). While adapting aspects of traditional religion and values, the Zionist Church considers the Bible to be the “ultimate and absolute authority for faith, practice, and ethics.” (Anderson, 132).

In ways similar to the reading of the Bible alongside other texts demonstrated in this section, the South African Zionist Church has found ways to relate traditional African religion, or texts so to speak, to Christianity. Two ways this happens is in the belief in ancestors and evil forces. In traditional African religion, ancestors play an important role in the daily lives of people. They are said to be benevolent, to provide guidance, and to give power to people so that they can pray (Anderson, 180). In this context, the belief the Zionists' belief in the Holy Spirit has great significance and is said to have taken over some of the functions of ancestors in traditional African religion (Anderson, 198). Also in traditional African religion is the strong belief in the presence of evil spirits (tokoloshe) beyond the control of human beings, sorcery, and witchcraft. This traditional African belief is met in Christianity by the belief in Satan and demons, and believers are comforted by the belief that Christians have been given authority over evil forces (Anderson, 216).

The conservation of the environment has become a key issue in world politics. Though the West has been particularly responsible for the destruction of much land and countless numbers of species, neo-colonialism has brought about a new found environmentalism. Western environmentalists have often accused poor Africans in their struggle for survival as being insensitive to the environment (Ashcroft et al. 2006, 6). Zionists, in opposition to Western ideas of conservation, view themselves as integral parts of their environment and therefore entitled to equal participation in it. Furthermore, many of the Zionist religious practices involve the worship of nature. Though Zionists differ from Western environmentalists in their view of humanity's participation in the environment, it is not a part of their culture to encourage the degradation of the environment.

Diaspora, Place

Diaspora can be defined as “the combination of migrancy and continued cultural affiliation that characterizes many racial, ethnic, and national groups scattered throughout the world” (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006, 425). Post-colonial discourse explores the pain, dislocation, and positive cultural identification associated with the experience of diasporic peoples, who by living through both homeland and residence cultures, are said to be constantly reconstructing their identities. Diaspora can be said to be a certain type of “place”, which does not refer to a physical location, but rather to “a complex interaction of language, history, and environment.” (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006, 345).

Because the traditional concept of “diaspora” has as a central feature the movement of people from one place to many places, it does not accurately describe the Zionist Church in South Africa and in other parts of southern Africa. The expansion of the Zionist Church did not occur primarily through the relocation of people, but through the conversion of people. It is true that leaders and missionaries of the Church moved to new places, but it was largely through conversion that the Church expanded in other parts of southern Africa. The introduction of Zionism from South Africa to Swaziland, for instance, is said to have had as its stimulus the conversion of Johanna Nxumalo, a Swazi in South Africa, and her invitation of Daniel Nkonyane, a prominent South African Zionist leader, to Swaziland (Sundkler 1976, 108). It is said that most converts to the Zionist church come from traditional African religious backgrounds, rather than from traditional mainline churches. Conversion is the primary means of growth, even more than biological growth through children, who often desert the church (Grundmann 2006, 257).

Despite the lack of “dispersion” in its history, the Zionist Church can be said to be a diaspora based on a definition provided by Stuart Hall: “common historical experiences and shared cultural codes which provide…frames of reference and meaning”, yet within which there are differences (Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin 2006, 435) . There are in fact many differences between Zionist churches. Some Zionist churches believe in ancestors, while others throw out this cultural tradition. Yet the common historical experience of these churches is in their origin with P.L. Le Roux, a missionary previously with the Dutch Reformed Church but later with the Zion church (Sundkler 1976, 42). The common experience of the Zionist Church is also in the discrimination endured during apartheid. Zionist churches were not recognized by the Government, partly because they were in many cases poor and illiterate and unconnected to power, and significantly because they were Black-led rather than White-led churches (Sundkler 1976, 287).

Along with a common historical experience, the Zionist churches in South Africa have developed a distinct cultural code, distinguishing them greatly from other African-led churches. The Zionists are known for their emphasis on the healing experience, for their use of healing objects, for their white robes, and for various other cultural codes such as the prohibition of alcohol, pork, and tobacco (Anderson 2000, 137). In their sharing of a common historical experience and cultural code, the Zionist Church can be said to be a diaspora. The Zionist Church can also be said to be part of the larger “diaspora” of African Initiated Churches (AICs).

An AIC is described by one of its leaders as an “African Independent or Indigenous Church means a purely black-controlled denomination with no links in membership or administrative controls with any non-African church…the AICs are churches that have completely broken the umbilical cord with the western missionary enterprise.” (Elphick and Davenport 1997, 211).

Statistics on the AIC Diaspora:

In 1900, only about 0.3% (15,000) of South African Christians belonged to AIC churches. By 1970, the percentage rose to 20.9% (4,607,156) and in 1995 to 45% (16,966,992). (Grundmann 2006, 257).

The AICs are known to be the largest church denomination in South Africa, claiming 45% of the Christian population; within this grouping, the Zionist Church is known to be the largest (Grundmann 2006, 257).

Types of AIC churches (Grundmann 2006, 257-258):

"Ethiopian": these churches are fully African in origin, hierarchy, and church government. They are said to have a "pointed African agenda" but are shaped in structure according to historic European mission churches.
"Messianic": in these churches is an African "messiah" who is seen as bringing liberation from bondage.
"Full Gospel" or "Apostolic Faith Mission": offsprings from Pentecostal initiatives
"Churches of the spirit": the Zionist churches fit into this category, which emphasize prophets and healing.

It is difficult to count exactly the number of Zionist churches, because of their diversity and with regard to their official recogition status. However, it is known that there are at least 10,000 Zionist congregations in South Africa. (Grundmann 2006, 257).

The Zionist Church is also the largest component (80%) of all African Initiated Churches in Africa (Grundmann 2006, 257).

The Zionist Church exists not only in South Africa, but also in other countries of southern Africa, such as Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland, and Zimbabwe (Grundmann 2006, 257).

Within the “diaspora” of AICs, the Zionist Church has a dominant “place”, based on its large numbers. This means that the Church has the power to define the identity of indigenous African churches, and to have a tremendous impact on their future. Within the “diaspora” of African Christianity, the Zionist Church has created a new and indigenous identity. In its adaptation of Christianity to African religious belief, the Zionist Church has, among African churches of a Pentecostal nature, been deemed to have “departed most radically from Western Christianity.” (Anderson 2000, 32). This departure has led to the alienation of the Zionist Church from other churches; some Pentecostal churches see the Zionists as “needing to be saved.” (Anderson 2000, 37).

The Zionists have succeeded in creating for themselves a new “place” in the spectrum of African Christianity. Some have praised the South African Zionist Church in its contribution to African theology: “Contextualization…is not 'a simplistic adaptation to traditional thought', nor is it 'accommodation in the Roman Catholic sense of the word', but it is rather 'an adaptation that, while displaying parallels with traditional religion, essentially implies a continuing confrontation with and creative transformation of traditional religion and values.'” (Anderson 2000, 309).

A dream for the Zionist Church is that it will remain faithful to the Christian faith, considering its enormous influence over indigenous African churches. Faithfulness to Christianity will mean that the Zionist Church, while adopting components of African religion, will not prioritize tradition over faith. Another dream is that the Zionist Church would expand into other parts of Africa, increasing the dimensions of its “diaspora” and bringing the gospel message to many other Africans who have resisted the Christian faith because of Western versions of Christianity that have been forced upon them or their communities. The Zionist Church is in an influential position to spread the message of Christ to people that are otherwise inaccessible to mainline Western-connected churches.

Language, Body & Performance

The effects of the colonial language on the colonized of South Africa has left a myriad of confusion that exists even to this day. The entire continent has seen itself enveloped with conflicts of one ethnic group rising against each other due to language differences and ethnic cultures. It must be known in this post- colonial discourse that while language should be addressed, the need for lasting peace may likely be illusive at this point. Great damage has been enacted by colonizers, as well as by foreign missionaries, who collectively viewed and treated the African people and their language as inferior.

However, work of the mission in the 21st century has to be sensitive to the impact of language in Africa and other parts of the world. Language is a fundamental site of struggle for post-colonial discourse because the colonial process itself begins in language. The control over language by the imperial power achieved it’s goal by displacing native languages, by installing itself as a 'standard' against other variants which are constituted as 'impurities', or by planting the language of empire in a new place which became the potent instrument of culture control. Language provided the terms by which reality was constituted; it provided the names by which the world had to be known or may be 'known'. “Its system of values - its suppositions, its geography, its concept of history, of difference, its myriad graduations of distinction - becomes the system upon which social, economic and political discourses are grounded.” reference?
Today most Africans cannot be certain of their own history because their history is told in a language that has no connection to their own tongue. The entire continent has the name “AFRICA”, which has no historical significance to the Africans themselves because it is a name given by and known from the colonialist. South Africa and the Zionist movement have suffered this same fate.
Most states in South Africa are known by their Dutch or English names, even the name South African was given by the colonial language of the British. The original name of Azania is no longer a reality, the only reality is true the prism of the colonial baggage.
The Zionist movement went from its original apostolic name to an imperialist name of identity from Zion City, in Chicago. (Sugitharajah 2006, 211)

Zionist Doctrines
Their main emphases include: (1) commitment to faith-healing; (2) baptism in the river or sea; and (3) the gift of tongues (Hastings 1994, 499-500). Their dedication to faith-healings by the power of the Holy Spirit led to their condemning of folk medicine as witchcraft. Their baptisms include full immersion (Makhubu 1988, 37), and they disapprove of infant baptism (Elphick 1997, 224).
The duality of spiritual warfare – namely between good vs. evil, and Jesus vs. Satan – is also a prominent theme among the Zionists, as with other Pentecostals. Zionists also affirm the Pentecostal tenets of the imminent return of Jesus and “the pre-eminent values of the nuclear family,” the latter disfavoring of feminism and homosexuality (Morris 2006, 187).
The Bible is interpreted as a guide for daily life of the Zionist members, who consider themselves closer to the Bible than other denominations (Elphick, 224). They relate the Bible directly to their troubles (Anderson 2000, 138).
Most of the African Independent Churches (AICs) respect and honor their ancestors. They do believe in ancestral spirits but most of them do not worship them (Makhubu 1988, 60).

The Zionists have a number of symbols that are significant in their religion. One is a Holy Mountain, where one can feel closer to heaven. Another symbol is water, a symbol of cleansing and purification (Isichei 1995, 314). Other symbols include trees, stones, and candles (Elphick 1997, 224). Like some other prophetic-type churches, the Zionists also have a ‘Holy City’ (an earthly Zion) (Isichei 1995, 313).

Most of the churches are founded by a prophetic man or woman who ends up functioning more of as a healer than a preacher (Isichei 1995, 313). They tend to be charismatic and at times have supposedly performed miracles (Elphick 1997, 222). Due to the intertwining emphasis on religious leadership and musical ability, the church leaders are expected to lead the congregation with their musical abilities (Kitshoof 1996, 175). Most of the Zionist church leaders have strong voices and musical ability that is used to lead the congregation to higher levels of spiritual empowerment through worship (Kitshoof 1996, 178).

The church services are lively affairs that include the wearing of uniforms, extravagant prayers, dancing, and the usage of drums and symbolic instruments (Elphick 1997, 224). Sermons are based upon what the Bible directly or implicitly teaches (Anderson, 131). In the Zion Christian Church, several men usually preach during the service (Anderson 2000, 129).

Music – specifically singing – plays a major part in the church service. There are two types of singing: spiritual singing (ukucula kukamoya) and general congregational singing (ukucula nje okujwayelekile). The spiritual singing is led by the senior people in the church; that is the priests and church mothers. The evangelists, preachers, and young adults lead the general congregation singing. Songs are usually not led by new members or children (Kitshoof 1996, 173).
The spiritual singing is considered the highest form of worship and takes on a slow tempo and thus is very emotional (Kitshoof 1996, 173-174). Actions include yawning, speaking in tongues, prophesying, sweating, crying, and laying low to the ground (Kitshoof, 174). It is at this climactic time that a number of healings take place, although not at every service. Hymns are sung during the church services and also at funerals (Makhubu 1988, 71-72).

One of the most popular church functions is the healing ceremony, which is public to both members and non-members of the church. The ceremony is organized to cure someone any kind of problem; be it social, psychological, or physical (Kitshoof 1996, 165-166). The religious leaders perform the healing in the ceremony after the best course of action has been determined (Kitshoof 1996, 166). Singing and dancing are also part of the ceremony (Kitshoof 1996, 165). The specific elements used in the healing ceremonies include water, seawater, ash, salt, white vinegar, bluestone, olive oil, and girdles and sashes (Makhubu 1988, 78-84).
In addition to the healing of humans, the Zionists also believe that the environment can be healed; even at the same time as the person (Elphick 1997, 224). Cleansing ceremonies also happen near rivers or the sea (Makhubu 1988, 10).

Zionists often wear robes that are white (purity), blue (water), or green (vegetation) all of which symbolize group identity and the wilderness of human life (Isichei 1995, 313). Other robe colors include khaki (dust) and red (blood of the Lamb) (Elphick 1997, 224). Star and moon-shaped ribbons or patches can sometimes be found on the back of the robes (Makhubu 1988, 10). Crosses are often worn or carried by members (Elphick 1997, 224). Zionists can also be seen carrying a bundle of sticks tied together by wool cords (Makhubu 1988, 10). In an attempt to look like the Biblical prophets, men typically do not shave their facial hair (Makhubu, 10).

Although at the present moment there are no in-depth studies which have been undertaken to examine the healing function of African Independent Churches, the fact that they are accessible to members of the community puts them in a much stronger position. They have “special powers” but are still part of the community. They share joys and sorrows of their so-called patients. Although they have faith in God, they still uphold cultural teachings. For them the world is an integrated whole. (Kitshoof 1996, 168) Zionist congregations, which easily and often transform to reach this level of Christian expression, grow numerically and spiritually, because the ultimate aim of Zionist Christian worship is to understand man’s relationship to man and to God and Christ. It is also to solve the daily problems of the church members and make them understand life more clearly. People identify with congregations which match with these ideals. (Kitshoof 1996, 175)

The African Pentecostal and Zionist churches provide Africans with the same sort of holistically relevant religion, meeting daily existential needs in similar ways to their traditional folk religions. In fact, this new form of African Christianity went even further towards providing answers to these needs, filling the vacuum left by Western, imported
types of Christianity.(Anderson 2000, 127)

The belief in the truth of the Bible is a very important part of the faith of Pentecost and Zion. A ZCC member, for example, said that the Bible was God’s message and a map of our lives. Everything about us was revealed in the Bible. The purpose of the Bible was to teach about God and what God was saying today. Another ZCC member said that the Bible was a book that gave us ‘God’s words’. Yet another commented that the Bible was a guide of how to live. (Anderson 2000, 128) One member statedthat the Bible strengthened and helped a person encountering problems. Another Zionist said that the purpose of the Bible was to teach people the word of God, and to reveal the good and the bad things in life so that people could choose for themselves how to live (Anderson 2000, 130). ZCC members are taught how to give to the church; and it is one of the strongest self-supporting indigenous churches in the country.

In Zionist churches members also perceive the church to be based on the Bible. Preachers use it to exhort people to love one another and be faithful to the church and, in some cases, to confront both the traditional religion and other churches (Anderson 2000, 131).

Sources

A William Branham Double Anointing. 2008. In The Voice Blog: The Voice Magazine.
A short history of South Africa. 2008. The International Marketing Council of South Africa [cited November 9 2008]. Available from http://www.southafrica.info/about/history/history.htm.
"African Initiated Church." Wikipedia. (cited November 8, 2008). Available at:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_Initiated_Church
Anderson, Allan. 2000. Zion and Pentecost : the spirituality and experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/Apostolic churches in South Africa, African initiatives in Christian mission;. Pretoria: University of South Africa.
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, eds. 2006. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2nd ed. London: Routledge.
Christianity in Africa South of the Sahara: Zionism. 2008. Bethel University (cited November 8, 2008). Available at:http://www.bethel.edu/~letnie/AfricanChristianity/SSAZionism.html.
Daneel, M.L. 1970. Zionism and Faith-healing in Rhodesia: aspects of African independent churches. 's-Gravenhage: Mouton.
Elphick, Richard, and Rodney Davenport, eds. 1997. Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social, and Cultural History. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Grundmann, Christoffer H. 2006. "Heaven Below Here and Now! The Zionist Churches in Southern Africa". International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church. 6 (3):256-259.
Hastings, Adrian. 1994. The Church in Africa 1450-1950. New York: Oxford University Press Inc.
Hofmeyr, JW and G.J. Pillay, ed. 1994. History of Christianity in South Africa. Pretoria: HAUM Tertiary.
Hope, Marjorie and James Young. 1981. The South African churches in a Revolutionary Situation. Maryknoll: Orbis Books.
Isichei, Elizabeth. 1995. A History of Christianity in Africa: From Antiquity to the Present. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.
Kalu, Ogbu U. 2006. African Christianity: from the world wars to decolonisation In The Cambridge History of Christianity, edited by H. McLeod. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kitshoof, M.C., ed. 1996. African Independent Churches Today: Kaleidoscope of Afro-Christianity. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press.
Maboea, Sello Isaiah. 1999. The Influence of Numinous Power in the African Traditional Religion and the Zionist Churches in Soweto - A Comparative Study, School of Religion and Culture, University of Durban-Westville.
Makhubu, Paul. 1988. Who are the Independent Churches?Johannesburg: Skotaville Publishers.
McClintock, Anne. 2006. Soft-Soaping Empire. In The Post-Colonial Studies Reader edited by B. Ashcroft, G. Griffiths and H. Tiffin. London: Routledge.
Morris, Brian. 2006. Religion and Anthropology: A Critical Introduction. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Sundkler, Bengt. 1976. Zulu Zion and some Swazi Zionists London: Oxford University Press.
Sugirtharajah, R.S.Voices from the Margin. New York: Orbis Books, 2006
Venter, Dawid. 2004. Engaging modernity:methods and cases for studying African independent churches in South Africa. Westport : Praeger Publishers.
"Zion Christian Church." Wikipedia. (cited November 8, 2008). Available at:http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zion_Christian_Church

Supplemental Resources:

Informational video on South African Zionist Church

Data is from: Venter, Dawid, ed. Engaging Modernity: Methods and Cases for Studying African Independent Churches in South Africa. Westport, CT: 2004.

Latino Pentecostals

megan.handley — Sat, 13 Dec 2008 16:16:03 CST

Table of Contents
Introduction
Universality and Difference
Representation and Resistance
Nationalism and Education
Ethnicity and Race
History and Place
Feminism
Production and Consumption
Globalization, Environment & Religion
Diaspora and Place
Language, Body & Performance
Conclusion

Introduction

Racial Group: Latino/a
Denomination/Tradition: Pentecostalism
Region: United States (particularly Southern California)

The Latino/a population in the United States grew from 22.4 million persons in 1990 to 37 million in 2003 and is now the largest minority group in America.

In that community 28 percent of Latino/as are Pentecostal or Charismatic, and growth trends in the Assemblies of God in America are almost entirely due to the growth among the Latino/a community.

The numbers of Latino/as, and specifically Latino/a Pentecostals, in America flourishes. The community still finds itself in the state of “in between,” often subordinated to home missions and enduring matters of anti-intellectualism and misrepresentation. Even so, Latino/a Pentecostals overcome ideas of American universalism and find a place in Pentecostal churches where their Latino ethnicities, differences and histories are embraced. Despite displacement historically within the land, Latino/a Pentecostals continue to spread throughout all parts of the United States, bringing their expressions of worship with them.

Universality and Difference

Description
The idea of universality is used as a strategy of imperial control (Ashcroft, 71) As may be implied, differences in characteristics of cultures are marginalized, if not outright ignored when applying universalism. The differences are namely those that exist between those who have power, those "people who are 'human,' who have a legitimate history, who live in 'the world," and those who are powerless and seen as "different."

Latino/a Pentecostals, according to Sanchez-Walsh, are "ambivalent" to their identity (Sanchez-Walsh, 1). Pentecostals tend to emphasize a relinquishing of any identity that may contradict a faith-based identity. The experiential nature of Pentecostalism transcends ethnic identities, and, therefore, Latino/a Pentecostals are "loosed from their moorings through a revitalized spiritual life." (Sanchez-Walsh, 1) As such Latino/a Pentecostals revere their ethnic identity by maintaining their language, planting and operating churches geared towards Latino/as, and teaching their youth and their history. Latino/a Pentecostals recognize that their ethnicity is a valuable tool in community-based evangelism (Sanchez-Walsh, 1) As Walsh asserts, many differences are evident even within the specific community of Latinos in the United States.

There is a clear struggle between the "Pentecostal identity" and Latino/a Catholic community. As such, the Latino/a Pentecostal community has, as Arlene Sanchez-Walsh describes, "become grafted onto the larger evangelical world and, within that world, have carved out separate social, cultural, and religious spheres for themselves where they should not be referred to as Catholic converts but as Latino[/a] Pentecostals. Latinos have been becoming Pentecostal for nearly one hundred years..." (Sanchez-Walsh, 3). As she continues to describe, we disallow Latino/a Pentecostals to identify themselves as a specific tradition when we infer their conversion.

Stories
Arlene Sanchez-Walsh describes the prevalence of Latino/a Pentecostal churches in communities like Caldwell, Idaho and the church, Templo de Bethel Pentecostal, explaining that in communities where one would not expect a non-White majority church do (Sanchez-Walsh, Interview). These churches spring up by those who would otherwise are clear minorities in a community, and refuse to relinquish their Latino/a identiy for their faith-based identity, or vice versa.

Dreams
The ultimate dream for Latino/a Pentecostals here is that an breaking down of this White Pentecostal imperialism in the Latino/a community.

Representation and Resistance

Description
When cultures collide, and especially when one culture occupies a dominant position, it can give a representation of the ‘subordinate’ culture that may—or may not—be true. After all, as Winston Churchill said, “History is written by the victors.” And the dominant cultures in history have tended to be imperialist and colonial powers who have taken those voices indigenous to the lands they took. In response to this, as cultures have begun to be less oppressed, they have learned to speak out for themselves, to present their way of viewing and understanding history—resistance.

Resistance is (1) about “the insistence on the right to see the community’s history whole, coherently, integrally. Restore the imprisoned nation to itself;” (2) “far from being merely a reaction to imperialism, … an alternative way of conceiving human history;” (3) a noticeable pull away from separatist nationalism towards a more integrative view of human community and human liberation” (Edward Said, Orientalism, Eds. Ashcroft et al, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader: 97). Resistance involves working against what has been the normative way of understanding.

Stories
As one instance of (mis)representation of Latinos, Miguel A. De La Torre and Edward David Aponte give the example of Ricky Ricardo, from the 1950s sitcom I Love Lucy: “Although the character of Ricky Ricardo was Cuban, the dominant culture watching the show saw him as part of an overall homogeneous group, labeled in the popular imagination as ‘Hispanic.’” (De La Torre, Introducing Latino/a Theologies, 12) In one particular episode, Ricky’s Cuban heritage was haphazardly jumbled together with elements of other Hispanic cultures, leading to the observation that, “under the Euroamerican gaze all Hispanics are the same. Latinas/os are seen as one monolithic group with few differences existing between a Puerto Rican, a Brazilian, an Argentine, and a Chicano. However, contrary to this illusion, Hispanics are a mestizaje (racial mixture or combination of ethnicities), a mestizaje of races, a mestizaje of cultures, a mestizaje of kitchens, a dense stew of distinct flavors.” (De La Torre, 13)

Latinos, however, are beginning to find their voices. “Until recently, a Euroamerican male hand has written their history, defined their theology, and shaped their identity. Yet as Hispanics grow in number, they have begun to write their own stories, a process that consequently makes their perspectives subversive to the dominant theological discourse.” (De La Torre, 26) There is a distinct dearth of literature on Latino Pentecostals, but Arlene Sanchez Walsh's book Latino Pentecostal Identity is one such artifact, presenting a minority culture from the balanced perspective of one who is both at home in Latino Pentecostalism and yet not, speaking with a voice that belongs both to the Latino/a Pentecostal and to an observer looking on.

One misrepresentation that she notes is the idea that Latino Pentecostals have a monolithic conservative theology. She notes that this idea is not true, since the further one removes from first generation immigrants, the more assimilated the people are with culture. Communities that fail to adapt or understand the changes will often find their young people moving out of their churches.

Dreams
As mentioned, voices that represent Latino/a Pentecostals are slow to emerge, but are gradually emerging. It is hoped that this trend will continue as Hispanics continue to grow in number and Pentecostals seek to provide their own representation of an identity.

Nationalism and Education

Description
Nationalism (or the idea of ‘nation’) is summed up by Frantz Fanon as being “the whole body of efforts made by a people in the sphere of thought to describe, justify, and praise the action through which that people has created itself and keeps itself in existence” (Ashcroft, 120). Increasingly in post-colonial societies, however, the concept of a national essence is being rejected for “the more refractory and syncretic complexes of ordinary experience as a way of approaching literary production.” (Ashcroft, 118) Naturally, this leads to a struggle between those traditionalists who maintain the notion of nation and the emerging generation who seek to expose it as a mere myth.

Education in the colonial and postcolonial sphere is more than just a process of systematic teaching. “Education, whether state or missionary, primary or secondary (and later tertiary) was a massive cannon in the artillery of empire.” (Ashcroft, 371) It could easily be used as a tool to enculturate people to a certain way of thinking; for example, teaching young Americans the concept of Manifest Destiny, thereby setting the foundations for a mindset that would allow displacement of the natives.

Stories
Observing the history of Pentecostalism in America, Grant Wacker notes that, in general, Pentecostals were like other Christians in their struggle to differentiate faith and country: “It would be unfair to say that early Pentecostals were Americans first and Christians second, but it would be inaccurate to say that they were Christians first and Americans second.” (Wacker, 239) Just like other Christians, Pentecostals struggled with distinguishing between love of God and love of country.

For Latino/a Pentecostals, the issue is slightly more complicated. One of the challenges they face is the concept of Manifest Destiny, which holds that what became the United States was divinely given to the Europeans who settled the lands; the destiny of these settlers was to claim the land “as a new promised land for a new chosen people.” (de la Torre, 39) This situation was compounded after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of 1848, in which the Mexican government was strong-armed into accepting an unfavorable deal—ceding California, New Mexico, Nevada, Texas, and parts of Colorado, Arizona, Utah to America—the Mexicans, like the Native Americans, became foreigners in their own land.

Consequently the dilemma is that although some Latino/a Americans (including Pentecostals) are seen as foreigners by the dominant culture, they are actually occupying their ancestral lands.

Latino/a Pentecostals also face a dual challenge regarding education. According to the Census Bureau, more than 51% of Hispanics drop out of high school compared to 78% of non-Hispanics who graduate. “Dilapidated school buildings and insufficient budgets for books contribute to this rate of attrition. In fact, even before the Latina/o child attends her or his first day of school, she or he is often culturally predestined to fail. For most, college is unattainable; fewer than 10 percent expect to graduate, and only half of the 4 percent of all Hispanics who enter graduate school finish.” (de la Torre, 55) Historically these deficits have roots in language barriers as well as racial prejudice.

Coupled with these barriers is the fact that Pentecostalism in general has a deep-seated anti-intellectualism, largely because of its theological emphasis on the work of the Holy Spirit: “Pentecostals placed all their spiritual hopes on what the Holy Spirit did.” (Sanchez Walsh, 5) At the turn of the twentieth century, Pentecostalism shocked Protestant America with its anti-intellectual and antirational nature. Arlene M. Sanchez Walsh recounts a line that a friend overheard at a Pentecostal leaders’ meeting: “what we want is people filled with the Spirit, not people with PhD’s.” (Sanchez-Walsh, 192)

This combination of an anti-intellectual Pentecostalism and a lack of educational opportunities for Latino/as sets Latino/a Pentecostals in the unique and vicious cycle. Wacker notes, however that Pentecostals did not denigrate education, per se, but “esteemed education of the right kind.” (Wacker, 144) According to Arlene Sanchez Walsh, Latino/a Pentecostalism has many Bible institutes and local intraschool Bible institutes, but no institutes of theological education.

Dreams
As Ronald Takaki writes, it is vital that we hear from the different perspectives that make up American history, because “multiculturalism has an intellectual purpose. By allowing us to see events from viewpoints of different groups, a multicultural curriculum enables us to reach toward a more comprehensive understanding of American history.” (Takaki, A Different Mirror, 4) And it is vital that we do the same today. One can hope that Latino/a Pentecostals will increasingly contribute to the multicultural education of America and to a broader perspective on American history.

Hybridity and Indigeneity

Description

Hybridity in Latino/a Pentecostalism must be directed towards geographical, ethnic, and religious integrations. To deny that this community is an enmeshment of histories would be denying this obvious melting pot that is America and its religious landscape. As noted above, while the traditional Latino/a religious tradition has been Roman Catholicism, Latino/as in America have learned to balance both the institutional religion (Catholicism) with the religion of the people (folk religion, belief in the miraculous) (Sanchez-Walsh, Interview). Arlene Sanchez-Walsh also notes that this infusion of the Spirit into the Latino/a were not only from Catholicism, but other mainline denominations like Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists, often found in southern California. These denominations left little room for membership post-spirit baptism (Sanchez-Walsh, 37-8).

The Role of the Supernatural

This balance between religious folk belief and institution developed out of and through various objects, such as saints, the Virgin Mary, rosaries, and pilgrimages as ways to seek the divine healing and the miraculous. The use of music, the structure of worship and the laying on of hands are also used to usher in the supernatural. (Sanchez-Walsh, Interview) As American Protestant Pentecostalism has merged with the Latino/a tradition, the power of the miraculous has been infused from this folkloric religion; White Pentecostalism did not bring charismatic influence to the Latino/a church so much as these folk practices.

The Merger of Pentecostalism and Ethnic Minorities in America
Additionally we can see that Latino/a Pentecostalism mimics many of the responses to White Pentecostalism such as African American Pentecostalism has evoked. One can note, for example, speaking in tongues is a doctrinal belief in Latino/a Pentecostalism and African American Pentecostalism. The belief in Latino/a Pentecostalism portrays deep belief that if healing and the supernatural could happen in the Bible, it would still today. Like African American Pentecostalism, these churches are largely homogenous. But the descriptor “Latino/a” does not effectively define the Spanish-speaking population in America, as we must recall that in Latino/a Pentecostal churches there is certainly a variety of nationalities representing the Latino/a. As African American Pentecostal churches do, Latino/a Pentecostalism’s polity places great authority upon the pastor. In those Pentecostal churches coming under the auspices of White Protestant denominations (such as Assemblies of God), the disparity in authority between White and Latino/a churches and their pastors is even more apparent (Sanchez-Walsh, Interview).

Stories
At a local Assemblies of God church in El Monte, Ca., we see this vast struggle with hierarchy and polity in the Latino/a Pentecostal churches. Calvary Assembly of God has a senior pastor, Dr. Gary L. Phillips, known through the AG denomination for this knowledge on the prophetic gifts of the supernatural. Phillips acknowledges that while he is a white pastor and has a congregation in a largely Latino community, he does not himself define the church as Latino Pentecostal. Through his gift of prophecy, Phillips offers words to the church on their website in a section entitled "The Voice of the Prophet."

The irony that Phillips is one of two white pastors on staff (his wife as the other) while the remainder of the staff is Latino/a. As a church service was just about to begin, visitors heard the tunes to "La Bamba" playing and a parishioner noted that every holiday seasons, Feliz Navidad is another favorite. Tamales and enchiladas are used as fundraising opportunities. Yet all musical and spoken worship was in English during the service. Yet when we add in the acknowledge of the role of the prophetic in this church, there is no denying this hybridization of religious folk traditions with the institution of the Assemblies of God.

The apparent unwillingness of the pastor to acknowledge that the indigenous community at the church speaks to a greater issue of hierarchy and polity that Sanchez-Walsh notes. It seems that this institution is afraid or unwilliing to acknowledge this is not a typical White Assemblies of God church, but one with a high percentage of Latino/a parishioners.

Dreams
The dream for Latino/a Pentecostals is two-fold. On the one hand, the dream would be to strike a balance in unspoken war of power and authority within specific denominational lines. The challenge of not only learning to embrace and pride themselves upon the large diversity and thus hybridity of the denomination is not only hoped for, but also needed. To be able to identify this tradition as a celebration of the varying influences, rather than simply an American denomination for an ethnic minority is clearly pushing the Church forward in the right direction.

Ethnicity and Race

Description
Ethnicity is often defined as “otherness.” Food, music, language, holidays and even television programming can commonly distinguish Latino culture. Still within the Latino population in the U.S., though 64 percent of Latinos are from Mexico, another 22 Latino nationalities comprise segments of U.S. evangelical churches (Kennedy, 24). There are multiple labels used with the Latino/a community: Hispanic, Chicano/a, or Latino/a. People often reference ethnicity based simply on country of origin,l such as Guatemalan, Ecuadorian or Argentinean. Though Latino/as have different origins, faiths and histories, they speak the same language, have similar Catholic roots and share the same story of conquest and colonization, and ultimately view one another as “familia” (Crespo, 28).

Race is the “most salient ethnic factor,” but is still only one of the larger cultural and historical phenomenons of ethnicity (Ashcroft, 193). Marked by physical characteristics where skin color clearly offers distinction between Blacks and Whites in America, the Latino/a population finds itself in between two worlds. Latino/as may have brown, black or white skin and dark, green or blue eyes (Solivan, 130). Often a Latino/a may only be recognized by tracking her/her Hispanic descent (Crespo, 30). As such, the diversity and sameness represented within the U.S. Latino community creates a kind of “neplanta racial-ethnic community of in-betweenness in American society” (Espinosa, 12). Latino/as commonly find ethnic identity in tracing heritage back to a Hispanic country of origin or by choosing to identify with a particular heritage, being open about ethnic roots as they learn and care about such heritage and identity (Crespo, 30).

A specific example is noted in Chicanos, as Ronald Takaki’s A Different Mirror describes, who have been able to maintain identity, language and culture due to proximity to homeland. The largest minority group in the Southwest are Chicanos, who are mestizos of Indian, African and Spanish ancestries. Takaki notes that Chicanos clearly have had a positive effect upon the "transforming [of] culture and society” (Takaki, 8). Latino/a Pentecostals in the U.S., especially within the Assemblies of God (AG), are finding churches that meet their ethnic needs. They find an inclusiveness that welcomes any Latino/a cultural and linguistic background. There is freedom to create a style of worship and activities in the language and forms that best suit them. A community exists that recognizes a need for people groups to interconnect and relate (Kennedy, 23).

Stories
Orlando Crespo, author and National Director of La Fe of InterVarsity Christian Fellowship/USA, relates his experience as a Puerto Rican American growing up in Massachusetts in Being Latino in Christ: Finding Wholeness in Your Ethnic Identity. “…There is no Latino look. We are as multiracial as a people can get. For example, one of my great-great-grandmothers was Black…. Yet I am light skinned with deep-set eyes. Many Latinos I meet assume I am from the Middle East.” (Crespo, 29) When he was 7-year-old, his family moved into a predominately white neighborhood in Springfield, Mass. Crespo admits that “to survive such hatred of Puerto Ricans, [he] learned to live in two worlds as an adolescent.” At home he spoke Spanish, ate Puerto Rican food and participated in all the cultural events but when he stepped outside, he tried to assimilate himself as much as possible, even allowing classmates to assume that his light skin meant he was white. (Crespo,15)

Jesse Miranda, Jr., an executive presbyter with the AG, founder/director of the Hispanic Leadership Center at Vanguard University and commissioner of ethnicity for the AG, came to faith at age 5 after he witnessed the healing of his mother from double pneumonia following the prayer of a couple from a Pentecostal cell group. People from the church later brought Christmas gifts for the children, something his parents could not afford. “These demonstrations of the power of God and the love of community defined my identity with Pentecostalism,” Miranda says. (Kennedy, 24) He grew up only a few blocks from the only Hispanic AG district office at the time and district officials would often visit his home. At 12, Miranda recalls questioning the officials about working with Anglos. “The wise men told me, ‘Listen, son, we are close to Springfield [Missouri, site of the AG headquarters] so we can learn from them and we are far enough to do our own thing.’ That contextualization of indigenous leadership has continued to allow the Assemblies of God to grow” (Kennedy, 24).

Dreams
Ethnicity is “otherness,” but often it is “others minus one,” ethnic groups minus the dominant group. The future depends on breaking that center/margin binarism. Ethnicity should be viewed as group consciousness, where even the dominant group views itself as one of the many. Samuel Solivan notes in his essay “A Hispanic/Latino Pentecostal Response” that the church does not need to be “colorblind,” to view all races and ethnicities as one. He argues that the church should give value to color and celebrate the God-designed diversity:

“Who I am is unknown apart from my color. My color is a gift of grace. My color reflects the diversity of creation and salvation. To be a Spirit-filled Christian is not a call to become colorblind, to ignore or give no value nor attention to color or difference. Rather, Paul’s declaration that we are no longer Jews nor Gentiles, males nor females, slaves or free is not an appeal to ignore or suspend difference…. Colorblindness is racist for what it usually means is stop being who you are and be like me (white). God is not colorblind. Christ was not colorblind. The Holy Spirit is not colorblind. Why should we be?” (130-131).

History and Place

Description
Westward expansion into the Southwest took shape in the mid-1700s. After the Mexican War in 1846-48, the United States incorporated the land of California, Utah, Nevada, and parts of Colorado, Wyoming, New Mexico and Arizona (Crespo, 147-153) into its borders, and Latinos of Mexican descent (also called Chicanos) suddenly found themselves foreigners in their native land, a part of Manifest Destiny. By 1849, the Anglo population in California reached 100,000, compared to only 13,000 Mexicans (Takaki, 178), and “as the American market expanded into the Southwest, it appropriated not only Mexican land but also Mexican labor" (Takaki, 184).

With the Great Depression, America began a repatriation program, sending about 400,000 Mexicans back across the border to Mexico to preserve the few remaining jobs for white workers. Even with repatriation, many Mexicans had difficulty knowing where one country began and the other ended; that, coupled with the fact that Mexicans had been in the land long before the Anglos, would see their continued emigration to the United States (Takaki).

Other segments of the Latino/a population gained entrance into the U.S. in the 20th century. In 1917 the U.S. Congress passed the Jones Act, making Puerto Ricans statutory citizens of the U.S. The island remained a colony though, and its citizens did not elect Congressional representation. In 1980, Fidel Castro allowed Cubans to leave Cuba via the Mariel Boatlift and 125,000 Cubans arrived in Florida (Crespo, 150-2). The incorporation of Puerto Ricans and Cubans into the U.S. population did not automatically give them a place in American society though.

Latino/a Pentecostals in the U.S. trace religious history back to the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles in 1906 and through much of the work of Francisco Olazabal (1886-1937). Born into a Catholic heritage, Olazabal journeyed north into California and in 1916 was converted to Pentecostal teaching of baptism in the Holy Spirit and divine healing. Olazabal contributed to the birth of at least 10 mainline Protestant and Pentecostal denominations by 1937 and converted tens of thousands of Latinos throughout the U.S., Mexico and Puerto Rico to the Pentecostal movement during his 30-year ministry (“El Azteca,” 598). His legacy also includes a voice that spoke against the racism of the Anglo-American Pentecostal church and a demonstration that Latino/a Pentecostals in North America have long held significant involvement and community with each other ("El Azteca," 614).

The history of a people is embedded in place, and place is an interaction of language, history and environment (Ashcroft, 346). Fifty percent of the U.S. Latino/a population is found in Texas and California, while North Dakota, Tennessee, South Carolina and Arkansas have seen a 50 percent increase in Latino/a population in recent years. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, of the 100 million people added to the national population in the last four decades, 36 million are Hispanic. Immigration and high birth rates are primary factors for this growth and 40 percent of the Latino/a population is foreign-born (Kennedy, 20). Immigrants encounter a sense of displacement in a new place and use language and environment to create a familiar reality. Latino/a newcomers are often already Christians and Spanish-speaking churches are outlets where these Latino immigrants find a new place in their new environments (Kennedy, 20).

Statistics show that among the country’s largest U.S. Pentecostal denominations, the ranks of Latino/a Christians are growing. Latino Pentecostals are finding a place in the U.S. The Assemblies of God (AG) has the largest Latino Pentecostal numbers with 367,857 members attending 1,918 Spanish-speaking churches. Since 1990, number of congregants has grown by 53 percent. The Church of God (COG) has 728 Latino churches with about 60,000 members. From 2000-2002, 45 percent of new churches were Latino/a. The International Church of the Foursquare Gospel, based in Los Angeles, reports 180 Spanish-speaking congregations with a total membership of 10,000 (Johnson).

These Pentecostal denominations work with Latino/a Pentecostal leaders to create homogenous locations that have similar cultural values and language to give immigrants a place find family, an important aspect of the Latino/a community. The church can be that initial step for an immigrant to find employment and housing (Kennedy, 22). First-generation Latino/as move toward Spanish-speaking congregations as these churches give these newcomers time to blend in with other churchgoers (23). They are eager to join a church to integrate with community and culture. Latino/a congregations then find themselves growing by word-of-mouth and personal relationships with family, friends and co-workers as their place within the church solidifies, and here especially in the growing Latino/a Pentecostal movement.

Stories
Assemblies of God pastor Mabel Nieto moved to Perry, Iowa, in 1998 and began Spanish-speaking services for Hispanics in the basement of the English-speaking First Assembly of God. Within one year, Fuente de Vida Asamblea de Dios purchased its own building and has since grown larger than its 100-seat sanctuary. Nearly all the church’s attendees are connected to the town’s Tyson Foods plant, where 60 percent of the 1,100 employees are Hispanic. During the first couple years of Fuente de Vida’s existence, many of the congregants returned home to Guatemala, El Salvador or Mexico during the winter (Kennedy, 19). Today more congregants are staying year-round and finding a welcome place in the congregation of Fuente de Vida.

Sal Sabino uses a cell group formula in his rapidly growing Latino/a Pentecostal church. Sabino founded Heavenly Vision Christian Center in the Bronx in 1990 with only eight members. Today the independent Pentecostal church has 1,200 members and is considered one of America’s 12 largest Hispanic churches (Johnson). Sabino emigrated from the Dominican Republic in 1970 and was saved in 1985 while in prison for drug dealing. After his release from prison, he started preaching on the street before moving to a Baptist church that had some space available. From there the church grew from cell group ministry and street evangelism. The church now has 300 home groups of six to 12 people in each that meet in apartments and houses in Bronx and Manhattan. “The cell-group ministry brings the church to the people. We are taking Jesus to the people,” says Sabino (Johnson).

Dreams
Immigration of Latino people into the U.S. is ever on the rise and is expected to continue. As immigration laws clamp down on employers regarding the legal status of workers, Latino congregations feel the effects. The church, even beyond the Latino Pentecostal church, must find the middle ground between abiding by the law and compassion for immigrants.

Feminism

Description

Although women make up well over 50% of church congregants in Latino Pentecostal churches, they generally face subordination both in their domestic and church leadership roles. The combination of machista ideology (defined as male superiority and acceptance of male aggressiveness, promiscuity, and domination) with conservative Christian ideas of male headship can have detrimental consequences or Latino Pentecostal women. In many churches, and among Latino Christians generally, machista ideology is oftentimes defended by proof-texting the bible – that is, prioritizing biblical texts to support male domination and female subordination (Sanchez-Walsh, interview). These roles can be upheld by women as much as men: “in keeping with the evangelical tradition of viewing women as helpmates and keepers of a sacred feminine holiness, Latino/a Pentecostals have been grafted onto that branch of American evangelicalism” (Sanchez-Walsh, 10).

Yet there are a number of ways in which women do resist their subordinate status in Latino Pentecostalism. The very nature of Pentecostalism bestows spiritual gifts and prophetic authority on men and women alike. Furthermore, as noted in Latino Pentecostal Identity, “Latinas, more often than not, convert first and become active church members quicker than men” (Sanchez-Walsh, 9). In this context, Latino Pentecostal women play a central role as transmitters of faith, acting as prophetic role models, primary spiritual mentors, and teachers of spiritual gifts to their children (Sanchez-Walsh, interview).

Additionally, Latina Pentecostal women find a number of ways to reform machista ideology through Latina feminism, which has a familial focus. Differing drastically from White feminism, which focuses on gaining authority, Latina feminists focus on their well-being – that is, how well they can raise their family, keep their children safe, combat sexual violence, and take control of their families both materially and spiritually (Sanchez-Walsh, interview). In this light, male conversion to Latino Pentecostalism can itself achieve these Latina feminist objectives as men “begin to take an active role in the family; they refrain from being violent, they stop drinking, and they stop frequenting prostitutes” (Sanchez-Walsh, 123).

Finally, although women are limited in their pastoral leadership in Latino/a Pentecostal churches, they do play critical leadership roles in certain contexts. Generally, when women are found in leadership positions in Latino Pentecostal churches, they have reached these positions by accident, for example, by inheriting churches if their husbands pass away. But female pastors are also found in smaller churches, especially in remote geographic areas, or in specialized ministries, such as churches for the deaf (Sanchez-Walsh, Interview).

Stories

One woman's story: Ruth, a Latina Pentecostal in the Victory Outreach church, has a ministry helping single mothers prepare for ministry. In her words, "They don't see no hope for themselves. They've been abused and torn apart mentally and emotionally. And I can see God building them. Giving them confidence, courage, boldness, that they could be something, they could be that leader. They could be that good mother..." (Sanchez-Walsh, 124).

Dreams

"In Christ, there is no Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female" (Gal. 3.28). Latino/a Pentecostalism carries a unique opportunity to fulfill this promise because charismatic gifts and leadership are bestowed on men and women alike.

Production and Consumption

Description
It is always hazardous to generalize. That being said, the Latino Pentecostals in the United States today are made of a large proportion or recent immigrants. Many, still struggling with mastery of the English language, cannot find employment above a blue-color level. A precious few have been able to attend college before or after immigrating and are consequently able to find employment in “corporate America.” Regardless of the level of employment, the vast majority of Latino’s are sending large portions of their earnings back to family in their country of origin a monthly or bi-monthly basis.

Stories
One thing that Latino Pentecostals, like many of their counterparts in other churches, love to produce is new churches. Such is the story of Buen Samaritano, which is a close affiliate “one of the largest and oldest Pentecostal groups, a denomination founded at the turn of the century that now has over 9 million members worldwide” (Lorentzen, 58). It is part of a region of churches that includes the area of “Nevada, California, Arizona, and Oregon and contains over 200 Hispanic churches, 20 in the San Francisco Bay Area alone” (Ibid). Instead of competing for members as many in similar situations would, these churches all have a close bond which allows them to cooperate and work together for the greater good instead of playing the numbers game and competing for resources. If any generalities can be made, it can be said that such patterns of cooperation and a feeling of mutual responsibility are common among Pentecostal congregations. This can likely be attributed to the feeling of group belonging that stems from the need to pull together due to an (on-average) economic marginalization and weaker political prowess. The congregation’s breakdown is almost entirely immigrants at 90%, the majority of whom have come to the United States in the past 15 years. “…most would be considered low-to middle working-class” and “women work as housekeepers, nannies, and sometimes teachers” while the men labor as “cooks, dishwashers, gardeners, and day laborers” (Ibid).

Dreams
The church is not shy about using the “language of migration and displacement in its religious symbolism and theology” (Lorentzen, 60). Pastor Manuel’s rhetoric is commonplace in Latino Pentecostal congregations: “God has brought you her for a reason. God has brought you miles away because you could not accept God in your country. You could not leave that life you were living” (Ibid). So it is that Latino Pentecostals dream of a “better life.” Having been oppressed in their home country and now struggling from the inability to accomplish many things they desire in a new one, they long for God’s Divine assistance in lifting them up to a place where they will be able to overcome. At Buen Samaritano, this means that “Testimonies, prayers, Bible readings, and preaching all reflect the theme of struggle—particularly struggle faced by uprooted peoples in a new land” (Ibid). The dreams at Buen Samaritano are summed up in three main categories: 1. “La vida cotidiana”—people desire that God would come to their aid in their concern over issues such as “employment, immigration status, housing, crime, drugs, and gangs” (Lorentzen, 62). 2. The God would be Sovereign and exercise His dominion and control over life in their homelands and that He would be with their families there, esp. in their absence. And 3. Heaven: there is a strong eschatological bent in the Latino Pentecostal tradition writ large and esp. at Buen Samaritano.

Globalization, Environment & Religion

Description
“Nearly one-quarter of U.S. Latinos call themselves Protestants, and most of them are Pentecostals” (Lorentzen, 59). “Globalization” is one of the commonly heard explanations for the rapid growth of Pentecostalism worldwide. But, at the same time, it is concurrently attributed to such things as “anomie in the face of rapid social change, class differences with attendant alienation, failed modernization, personal uprooting, [and] economic marginalization” (Lorentzen, 59). Latino's have what is quite possibly the strongest legacy of immigration of any ethnic group. Due to the proximity of Latin America to the United States and it being a contiguous land mass, the idea of uprooting from their histrical cultural identity and relocating to another society is more readily acceptable in Latino Culture than many others (Ashcroft, Griffiths & Tiffin, 425). With the commonality of widspread relocation, the Latino breed of Pentecostalism tends to spread more quickly and with far greater ease than others.

Depending on whom you ask, you will get a different story as to how and where Pentecostalism began. Some people will tell you that it began with a white minister named Charles F. Parkham in the Assemblies of God church. Many others will tell you that it was the African-American pastor William Joseph Seymour (Lorentzen , 58). Regardless of who founded it, it is generally agreed that the Azusa street revivals in the early 1900’s gave Pentecostalism a “third-world flavor” (Lorentezen, :58). Pentecostalism began to attract Lation converts from the very beginning, such as “Juan Lugo, Francisco Olazabal, Antnoio Nava, and others [who] became influential in its spread” (Lorentzen, 58).

Pentecostalism has been rapidly expanding in Latin America in recent years. André Corten has termed it “the most important religious transnationalism of the twentieth century” (Lorentzen, 58). Despite the economic recession and other disastrous problems that Americans believe they suffer from, the United States continues to be an alluring beacon of hope for immigrants from around the world. So it is that thousands of Latino Pentecostals pour into the United States every day. But just as with any other movement and any other “globalization,” we must use caution before making sweeping generalizations. “The global trend of Pentecostal expansion…like all processes of globalization…should be studied in its local manifestations” (Lorentzen, 58).

Stories
Pentecostalism spread quickly among the Latino population from the very beginning. One story in particular has stood out in our reading. Antonio Nava was a young Pentecostal pastor in Mexico in the 1920’s. In 1927, he was “reaffirmed in the 1927 U.S. convention as Anciano Ejectivo” (Ramirez 1999:575). Despite this honor, he “returned to his homeleand in early 1928 to proselytize his ailing parents” (Ibid). While he was spending time with his parents, he did a bit of unintentional networking. He ran into and formed friendships “with the emerging leader of the Apostolic church in Torreon, Filipe Rivas, and with others in Monterrey, Tampico and other northern cities” (Ibid). Nava’s friendship with Rivas strengthened both men who, like spiritual magnets, pulled others into the fold. They laid hands on and prayed for Eusebio Jouaqin Gonzalez, who would go on to become the famous pastor of La Luz del Mundo, Light of the World Church, In Guadalajara.

From Sugirtharajah, Voices From the Margin: The Latin American Council of Churches (CLAI) – biblical studies for congregations to develop open attitude toward other manifestations of faith

Popular reading of the Bible has been Latin America’s most significant contribution to Christian hermeneutics – discern present times, struggle for life with dignity and strengthen the hope that death can be change because God of the Bible is a God of justice, love and peace in solidarity with the poor (19-20). Reading and interpreting the Bible through this lens is about the dispossessed and the weak.

From Rios/Alvarez article: In the Latino AG, second and third generation Latino/a Pentecostals call themselves "EvangEmerge" - a mix of Evangelicals and Emergers, or "Progressive Pentecostals." They seek to change the community through more "advocacy, policy analysis or engaging politicians in forums." Younger Latino/a Pentecostals don't accept injustice with patience just a better world is expected (like many Pentecostals who think evangelism is the key to finishing out this world for the next).

Leadership is undefined. You have to be sanctioned as a leader in the denomination. A current leader gives you a title (this is pretty true across the board in AG churches). But then the role of the leader isn't defined - you don't know what responsibilities are yours.

In 2004, the AG started its "Vision of Transformation" by encouraging the formation of new types of churches that were community-focused and the encouraged the use of the arts to preach (and how is that going?). Personal salvation can still overshadow a holistic gospel or Christian response to global crisis. The authors of this article don't know if there is a place for emergent Latino churches within the AG denomination.

Dreams
The big dream of Latino Pentecostals has been, from the beginning, liberation. Liberation from the structures that oppress them. From political structures in which they do not have a voice to societal structures that deem them something less than full citizens. This makes sense when one understands that at the root of Latino Pentecostalism in the United States was a miraculous healing. The Azusa Street revivals in the first part of the 1900’s “insured a spill-over effect into the continuous ‘Sonoratown,’ a section north of downtown Los Angeles populated by Mexicans and Mexican Americans” (Ramirez, 574). As part of these events, a German woman was preaching in Spanish when an Indian woman from central Mexico who was suffering from consumption had her hands miraculously healed (Ramirez, 574).

Diaspora and Place

Description
Pentecostalism grew out of the many Holiness traditions of the early 20th century in Los Angeles, Ca. "The California beginnings of and the multiracial character of this earliest Pentecostalism attracted Latino converts, not only Mexican Americans, as might be expected, but also Puerto Ricans, some of whom had traveled as far as Hawaii in search of work after the U.S. invasion had reduced the island's agricultural production to sugar and almost nothing else." (Diaz-Stevens, 113) Two Latino men in particular, Juan L. Lugo and Francisco Olazabal, were responsible for the spread of Latino Pentecostalism in Texas, California and Puerto Rico. Latino/a Pentecostalism also thrived further south in places like San Diego, as a result of many rejecting Catholicism. (Diaz-Stevens, 113) "...Pentecostalism’s spread is upending Christianity’s historical tendency to emanate from power centers in the more developed world—mostly in the Global North. 'The Pentecostal missionary drive has been much more from below: from unstable, fragile, vulnerable congregations made of working-class or lower-than-working-class people doing missionary work across the globe, and moving from south to north'" (Wallace, Latino).

"Thirty years ago, about 90 percent of Latinos in the United States were Catholic, sociologists estimate. Today that number is about 70 percent, and it remains steady only because of high birth rates and new immigrants filling the pews. Most other Latino Americans -- 9.5 million of them -- are Protestant, usually Pentecostal or another Evangelical denomination. Their numbers are fed by the conversion of second- and third-generation immigrants, whose families become more likely to convert the longer they are in the United States" (Geis, Latino Catholics). "For similar reasons, many Latinos in cities across the country, traditionally Catholics, have been converting. In New York City, for instance, there are at least 2,000 Pentecostal churches whose congregations are predominantly Latino. The conversions of large numbers from Catholicism, also occurring throughout Latin America, started about 15 years ago and has been causing concern among Catholic leaders, who have relied on Latino immigrants to replenish the declining numbers of parishioners in the United States" (Robertson, Pentecostalism Luring ).

Stories
With the guidance of the Holy Spirit, the Pentecostal movement exploded in the Southwest. Exert from missionaries Mr. and Mrs. Troyer in Southern California:
"As we traveled back and forth over California in our work of opening new fields...there were several hundreds of houses clustered in a little spot, and we knew they were Mexican homes. We longed to have the opportunity to enter this field and teach these people to walk with God. We knew by experience that their hearts, too, were hungry for the message of Christ that is found in the New Testament" (Cortes, 38). Mr. and Mrs. Troyer then attempted to find the owner of these houses and the work those who lived in the houses performed. After doing so, the Troyer's "...wanted permission to go there and use the buildings and do anything that the Lord laid upon [their] hearts that [they] might serve that people" (Cortes, 42). With much resistance, the man in charge agreed with the Troyer's plea, and allowed them to speak with the people they were so eager to meet on behalf of the Lord.

As Otto Maduro, a professor of World Christianity, explains... “For many Pentecostal congregations, the van is the main way the pastor has to gather the congregation, hold a service and then bring them back to their homes...Maduro has been studying Newark’s Latino Pentecostal community for nearly a decade, charting the ebb and flow of individual congregations, watching churches spring up and relocate and collecting oral histories from church members and leaders. And he has ridden in Pentecostal vans on more than one occasion. He describes one such trip that began at 5 p.m., when the pastor picked up the first passenger, and continued on through nearby Linden and Elizabeth, with passengers alternately singing coritos—the hymns of Latino/a Pentecostals—and filling each other in on what had happened that day. Two hours later, the van arrived at their church on Central Avenue in Newark to begin what would end up being a five-hour service. The van finally came to rest in front of the pastor’s house at 2 a.m. the following morning.

This service on wheels—and the willingness to minister to people wherever they are—does a lot to explain why Pentecostalism has spread rapidly in Newark. With the help of several fellow researchers, Maduro has hit the pavement, taking a walking census of Latino Pentecostal churches across the city, most of which are concentrated in the city’s North Ward. A survey he did in 2007 found about 75 Latino Pentecostal congregations, an increase of about 50 percent over an earlier census he took in 2001. Maduro estimates that about 2,000 of approximately 83,000 Latinos in the city worship in Pentecostal churches in Newark every day, with most congregations ranging in size from 20 to 40 people" (Wallace, The Latino).

Dreams
The future spread of Latino Pentecostalism seems nearly endless in America, as more and more Catholic Latinos convert, however, "...while many first-generation Hispanics are eager to attend church as a means of integrating into the community and culture, that isn't always the case for second-and third- generation Latinos. By then, many have learned English, graduated from college and attained high paying professional jobs" (Kennedy, Embracing). As a result, "a booming Latino population means the ethnic group is gaining clout throughout American society...and with Cuba and Venezuela [in particular] anchoring an increasingly socialist Latin America...arrivals into the United States [will continue] to accelerate." (Kennedy, Embracing). According to Jesse Miranda Jr., founder and director of the Hispanic Leadership Center in Costa Mesa, California, 'the Assemblies of God [a Pentecostal denomination] is in the best position in its history because of the opportunities to win a huge population. The investment, [Miranda claims] will surely pay dividends in the future of the kingdom of God" (Kennedy, Embracing).

Language, Body & Performance

Description
"Spanish speaking Catholics brought Christianity to the Americas..." (Diaz-Stevens, 9) Among the differing Latino communities, that is of those of Latin American or Puerto Rican descent, there can in fact be differences in the way different Spanish words are used. (Diaz-Stevens 11) As for body and performance, Latino Pentecostals rejected the traditions and worship styles of their Catholic counterparts. "Instead of practicing a home-based religion, Pentecostals transferred almost all their worship to the storefront templos that housed the congregations. Often the converts knew no cultural idiom other than the Mexican American or the Puerto Rican, so the first hymnals feature traditional forms of the polka, the mazurka and the like. (Diaz-Stevens, 114) As the 20th century progressed, however, a strong bias towards Americanization in these congregations ensued. Other denominations of non-Latino Pentecostals emerged under the headings of "the Churches of God, [and] Foursquare Pentecostalism." (Diaz-Stevens, 114) "Many of the unique characteristics of Pentecostal services—among them spontaneous prayer, speaking in tongues, ecstatic collapse and long, improvised sermons—are manifestations of this belief. ...Rather than being a new stage in Christianity’s evolution, adherents feel that Pentecostalism is a return to an earlier form of the religion. 'It’s a reconstruction of Christianity in a simplified way—a way that is seen as more faithful to the spirit of early Christianity'" (Wallace, Latino).

Stories
“'As soon as I started visiting Pentecostal churches in Newark, the question became: ‘Why don’t more people do this?’” [a current attender] says. 'These churches were much more agreeable, congenial, welcoming to Hispanics than most of the other Christian churches—Roman Catholic or mainstream Protestant. They had a warmer atmosphere where people felt at home.” One reason was that the pastors in these churches were from the same neighborhoods and socioeconomic backgrounds as the congregants, making them easier to approach and relate to. "...Research has found that all Pentecostal services in Spanish in Newark are led by Latinos, while many Catholic Spanish-language services are not" (Wallace, Latino).

Maduro, [Professor of Theology at Drew University] also saw something quintessentially Latino in the Pentecostal services he observed. 'In many cultures in Latin America there is a much more open attitude toward public expression of a wide range of emotions than is customary in white, middle-class America,' Maduro says. For newly arrived immigrants who find themselves in a new social context with different accepted norms, the church becomes one of the few places where they feel free to laugh and cry and shout and sing. This emotional expressiveness is evident at many points during a Pentecostal service: in the tears that often accompany the spontaneous prayers of congregants as the service gets underway; in the impassioned testimonials of being saved by God from drugs, alcohol or depression that members stand and share with the congregation; in the exuberant spirit thrown into the singing of each corito." (Wallace, Latino).

"The Rev. Luciano Padilla Jr., a Pentecostal evangelist who had gathered his flock at the bilingual church largely from Latino Catholic converts, swayed in the pulpit with his arms outstretched and issued a call for 'new believers.' 'Now that the waters have been moved and stirred, this is a wonderful opportunity to come into a relationship with Jesus," said Padilla, his words sending Wilma Bermadez, a first-time visitor and lifelong Catholic, trembling with emotion into the center aisle to convert. The spontaneity and fervor in the Bay Ridge church draws Latino Pentecostal congregants who embrace a style of worship far different from the repetitive, ritualistic Mass they left behind in Roman Catholic parishes in East Harlem, Puerto Rico, Mexico, and Ecuador. They also say they have been attracted by a greater sense of community in the Pentecostal church, a strict code of conduct that frowns on alcohol and drug use, and by more opportunity to worship in Spanish." (Robertson, Pentecostalism Luring).

Dreams
The future of the language, body and performance aspects of Latino/a Pentecostalism seem very much so tied with that of the diaspora of the tradition. As new immigrants move into the United States, this particular style of Pentecostal worship will continue. Despite the increase in immigration as discussed in the previous section, more and more Latino Pentecostals see the Americanization of their congregations as a threat to their distinct communities of worship. The Latino/a Pentecostal tradition must find a way to adapt to these new challenges in order to continue to reach the next generations of "Americanized" adherents.

Conclusion

Current research reveals a pattern in population growth of Latino/as in the United States. Should such a trend continue, the number of Latino/a persons in the United States, and Latino/a Pentecostals, will only increase. First generation Latino/as and immigrants find a place with the Pentecostal church to express their religous and ethnic histories. Third and fourth generation Latino/a Pentecostals are now moving toward outside para-church organizations to express their convictions on social and political concerns. Such a movement outside the Pentecostal community gives the Latino/a presence in both the Pentecostal tradition and in America strong potential for a greater voice in the future.

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
References

Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, eds. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2006.

Cortes, Carols E., ed. Protestantism and Latinos in the United States. New York: Arno Press, 1980.

Crespo, Orlando. Being a Latino in Christ: Finding Wholeness in Your Ethnic Identity. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003.

De La Torre, Miguel A., and Edwin David Aponte. Introducing Latino/a Theologies. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2001.

Diaz-Stevens, Ana Maria and Anthony M. Stevens-Arroyo. Recognizing the Latino Resurgence in U.S. Religion: The Emmaus Paradigm. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998.

Espinosa, Gaston, Virgilio Elizondo, and Jesse Miranda. "Hispanic Churches in American Public Life: Summary of Findings." Interim Reports. Vol. 2003.2, 2nd ed., March 2003.

Espinosa, Gaston, Virgilio Elizondo and Jesse Miranda (eds.). Latino Religions and Civic Activism in the United States. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2005.

Geis, Sonya. Latino Catholics Increasingly Drawn To Pentecostalism. Washington Post, April 30, 2006, A03. (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/29/AR2006042901027.html).

Johnson, Peter K. “The Latinos Are Coming.” Charisma Magazine. December 1, 2008. (http://www.charismamag.com/articles/index.php?id=7228)

Kennedy, John W. "Embracing Pentecostalism." Today's Pentecostal Evangel. March 18, 2007. (www.tpe.ag.org)

Lorentzen, Lois Ann, and Rosalina Mira. “El milagro Esta en Casa: Gender and Private/Public Empowerment in a Migrant Pentecostal Church.” Latin American Perspectives 32, no.1 (2005): 57-71.

Phillips, Gary M. "Latino Pentecostal Church Visit." Personal Interview. November 23, 2008.

Robertson, Tatsha. Pentecostalism Luring Away Latino Catholics. The Boston Globe, April 15, 2005. (http://www.boston.com/news/nation/articles/2005/04/15/pentecostalism_luring_away_latino_catholics/).

Sanchez-Walsh, Arlene M. Latino Pentecostal Identity: Evangelical Faith, Self, and Society. Columbia University Press, 2003.

Sanchez-Walsh, Arlene M. "Latino Pentecostalism in America" Personal Interview. November 13, 2008.

Solivan, Samuel. "A Hispanic/Latino Pentecostal Response." Pneuma 18, no 1 (1996): 128-132.ATLA Religion Database with ATLASerials, EBSCOhost(accessed November 11, 2008

Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror. New York: Back Bay Books, 1993.

Wacker, Grant. Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001.

Wallace, Bruce. The Latino Pentecostals. Drew University: New Jersey, 2008. (http://www.drew.edu/magazine/2008/thelatinopentecostals.htm).

Education

hlee83 — Sat, 13 Dec 2008 13:19:49 CST

Back to Asian American Church

Education
Lydia Adi

Description
History of Educational Rights
The Asian American struggle for educational rights began as immigrants began to settle in the United States. It was not until 1859 that a “small, but separate, school was opened” and “subsequently closed by the school superintendent with the claim that there were too few students.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 141) Chinese parents petitioned again the 1870s “pointing out the injustice of paying taxes to support public education while their children were denied access because of race.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 141)

In 1884, the court agreed that Chinese American students could have an education, but in separate facilities for “’Mongolians’ rather than have ‘race mixing’ and established the ‘Oriental School’ in San Francisco in 1885.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 141) Even Japan protested against having these 93 Japanese and Korean immigrant students attending a separate school.

1896’s court ruling, Plessy v. Ferguson “helped legitimate a system of institutionalized racism and legalized segregation in America that was extended to other racial groups.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) There were separate “facilities for blacks and whites,” and it was “permissible as long as they were equal, although in practice they never were.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142)

The struggle for equal and integrated education continued. In 1908 in San Francisco, only after Japan “restricted the emigration of its laboring class to the U.S., did the school board permit Japanese students to enroll in public schools set aside for whites.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) In 1927 the “Gong Lum v. Rice ruling concluded that as no public schools for ‘Mongolians’ existed in Mississippi and Chinese Americans could attend a ‘colored’ school,” Chinese American Martha Lum was not “being denied an education.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) This meant that some Asian Americans were able to enroll in schools with whites while others were forced into separate schools. These schools would be segrated in parts of California until the 1930s and in Mississippi until 1950.

However, there was also the case of schools being “ill equipped to academically prepare limited-English students,” and Chinese Americans fought for new programs in 1974’s Lau v. Nichols decision. (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) They won and new programs would include “bilingual programs, teachers and teacher assistants,” helping all immigrant groups. (Fong and Shinagawa, 142)

Asian American students petitioned and demonstrated on university campuses during the late 1960s and early 1970s to “demand increased access, minstory faculty, and curriculum reform, especially Asian American Studies and other ethnic studies programs.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) When the education board denied their petitions, students began new student actions such as “hunger strikes and sit-ins” across institutions across the nation in 1980s and 1900s. The students examined the unequal treatment in higher education instutions such as “Brown, Harvard, Princeton, Stanford, UC Berkeley, and UCLA,” noting that their admission rate was “not commesurate with the growth in student applications and concluded that institutions were setting ‘quotas’ on [Asian American] enrollment.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142)

Investigations showed that some universities required Asian Americans to have “higher academic qualificiations for admissions than other students.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 142) Brown University “admitted bias” and “revised its practices.” (Fong and Shinagawa, 143) Harvard University defended itself and argued that it have “preferences to children of alumni and to recruited athletes, few of whom are [Asian Americans].” (Fong and Shinagawa, 143)

Stories
Many Asian American families have been shown to “tenaciously and uncritically grip onto the American Dream” that they could work hard and make it in America. (Lee and Zhou, 125) “Upwardly mobile Chinese Americans in the 1950s believed that education would move them ahead in society, a believe strongly supported by the Chinese American community.” (Lee and Zhou, 125) Parents pressured youth to pursue careers and studies in majors that brought much wealth—“mathematics and the natural sciences.” (Lee and Zhou, 125)

“The academic and professional success of some U.S.-born Chinese American youth impressed the American public who soon concluded that far from posing a threat to the American way of life, [Asian Americans] were the model minority,” students who were “hardworking, high-achieving, well-disciplined.” (Lee and Zhou, 125) In the mid-1980s major news magazines, “including U.S. News & World Report, Time and Newsweek, ran cover stories on Asian American success” and even President Ronald Reagan praised “Asian Americans for their hard work and family values.” (Alumkal, 126) It is believed that the children of Asian immigrants are able to succeed because many of their parents had previously obtained high degrees in their former country. These parents had not been “able to translate their educations into professional occupations in the United States due to language barriers, discrimination, and lack of American credentials.” (Alumkal, 127) Because of this hardship, these same parents pressure their children to succeed beyond their ability in the United States.

One Korean-American expressed the pressure that many Korean American youth feel, having parents that pressure them to “go to medical school or law school, and study, study, study. They think the best colleges are Harvard, Yale, Princeton.” (Lee and Zhou, 244) Another student shared that his mom even “wrote his college entrance essay and filled out an application for Harvard, even though she knew her son did not want to apply.” (Lee and Zhou, 245) Some have faced extreme situations of having to severe ties with parents because “they adamantly opposed his decision to be a cartoonist after graduating from Princeton.” (Lee and Zhou 245) There is a struggle to find identity yet also to honor parents.

Dreams
In pursuing a higher education and a career, there is great pressure choosing certain majors and professions depending on how our family has defined as ‘successful.’ Discernment is needed in observing our talents and passions and finding what God has created us to do in life. God must be integrated in every aspect of life, including career decisions.

One Asian American, Bill, describes this as having to “fight with [his] selfish desires for prominence in the community, for money, for security.” (Alumkal, 136) He shared that he felt as though God had called him to be a doctor “to work in a poor community helping the non-English-speaking Koreans, helping the African Americans, helping the Hispanics, people who don’t have money to pay for great medical service.” (Alumkal, 136) Another Asian-American girl, Cindy, felt that God wanted her to be an elementary teacher instead of a pharmicist because despite pharmacy as a “good occupation,” having “security,” she wanted to be a “moral supporter” to children. (Alumkal, 136)

There needs to be an understanding of how far Asian Americans have come throughout history and the hardships generations have faced in order to obtain an education. As Asian Americans, we need to be thankful for the education that ancestors and the first generations have given us to be able to get an education in the United States. Yet, at the same time, students must discern how to honor their parents, yet also find God’s calling over their lives. The dream is to honor our parents by doing our best in the talents that God has placed within our lives, succeeding in these gifts and then supporting those who have helped us succeed.

Alumkal, Anthony W. Asian American Evangelical Churches: Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation in the Second Generation. (New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2003.).
Fong, Timothy P. and Shinagawa, Larry H. Asian Americans: Experiences and Perspectives. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2000).
Lee, Jennifer, Zhou, Min. (Ed.), Asian American Youth: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity (New York, NY: Routledge, 2004).
Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. (New York: Back Bay Books, Little Brown, 1993).

Main Wiki Page - Asian American Church

Asian American Church

hlee83 — Sat, 13 Dec 2008 13:19:17 CST

by Lydia Adi, Benjamin Cowan, Elliot Chung, Kevin Gruver, Christi Kang, Hannah Lee, Sabrina Lee, and Tai Nguyen

Introduction
Universalism
Binarisms
Representation and Resistance
Nationalism
Education
History of the Charismatic Movement and Nondenominational Church
Hybridity and Indigeneity
Race and Ethnicity
History and Place
Feminism
Production and Consumption
Globalization, Environment, and Religion
Diasporas and Place
Language, Body and Performance
Conclusion

Introduction

Racial Group: Asian American
Denomination: Non-denominational; Charismatic
Region of the World: United States

Many Asian American non-denominational churches are springing up across America, a diverse and rich source for many as-yet-untold stories. Asian immigrants and Asian Americans both are joining churches of many traditions, but more importantly, they are forming their own churches, associations, research centers and theological journals of their own. Examples include the Chinese American Christians Forum; Ministries for English-Speaking Asians; Pacific, Asian and North American Asian Women in Theology and Ministry; and the National Korean Presbyterian Council. Because of this growing population that has unique gifts and needs, numerous universities and seminaries have developed centers for Asian-American ministry, including the Pacific School of Religion’s Institute for Leadership Development and Study of Pacific and Asian North American Religion, the Institute for the Study of Asian American Christianity at the American Baptist Seminary of the West, the Center for Pacific and Asian-American Ministries at Claremont School of Theology, McCormick Theological Seminary’s Center for Asian American Ministries and the International Theological Seminary in Los Angeles.

Asian Americans also frequent Catholic, Pentecostal and evangelical churches, having sizeable representations in the Presbyterians, Baptists and United Methodists denominations among others. The resulting interaction of cultures, religious beliefs and values is a rich source of stories that often go untold in the larger story of American Christianity. Some denominations and parachurch organizations have aggressively reached out to Asian Americans, starting churches and gatherings just to appeal to them. “On campuses across America, student movements like IV (Intervarsity Christian Fellowship) and CCC (Campus Crusade for Christ) have deliberately split into ethnic fellowships. An Asian American group is almost always one of those groups. Most large universities also have Chinese or Korean fellowships rooted in ethnic churches.” [1]

[1] http://www.masecure.org/guide/asian.html

Universalism
Christi Kang

Description

According to Ashcroft's The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, universalism is defined as the one of particular interest to post-colonial writers because it is this notion of a unitary and homogeneous human nature which marginalizes and excludes the distinctive characteristics, the difference, of post-colonial societies" (Ashcroft, 267). In other words, universalism tend to ignore cultural differences.

"Asians are often viewed as embodying such values as love of silence and contemplation, closeness to nature, simplicity, detachment, frugality, harmony, nonviolence, love for learning, respect for the elders, filial piety, compassion, and attachment to the family. While these characteristics may be exaggerated and even caricatured, there is no doubt that there is a core of truth in this description of what has been called the Asian soul. The dilemma of these views is that these ideals are hard to practice in the United States, which prizes professional competition, material success, individual autonomy, democratic egalitarianism, and self- fulfillment. However, there is little doubt that these ideals can correct the excesses of the American way of life. On the other hand, challenged and enriched by American moral ideals" (Kim 2006, 247).

Stories
Confucian Background
The universalism within this tradition derives from the Asian heritage, the influence of Confucianism. Confucian, a philosopher, had developed these principles governing life, relationships, morals and reality. For example, beginning in 108 B.C., Confucianism was introduced by the Han Dynasty of China to the Korean peninsula (Kim 1997, 9). From 1392-1910, Yi Dynasty of China ruled the country and Korea officially adopted Confucianism as the main ideology for governing Korean Society (ibid). For five hundred years, it was a major influence in the culture, emphasizing filial piety, heirarchy, and social ettiquete. Even in heirarchy, there is a certain way to treat people according to generation and according to gender. Refer to Globalism, Environment, Religion for further information about Confucianism.

Confucian Principles Affecting the Church
These principles manifest itself in the church in many ways, including:

Conservative Christianity and Asian American culture like the idea of working hard for what you get. Conservative voice: “Work hard and you will succeed.” Progressive voice: “Work hard because you have been blessed.” A common conservative theological stance is that if you are faithful enough, God will reward you. This is called the Prosperity Gospel; oversimplified, it means your “blessings” equal how much God loves you.

Emphasize the family unit before the individual. Conservative voice: “Do not do anything to upset the community.” Progressive voice: “Express your faith as a unique member of the family of faith.” Suppress your individual expression of faith for the good of the church, goes the thinking in conservative Christian communities. You must submit to the will of the community lest your inclusion, welcome and faithfulness be re-evaluated.

Stress strict obedience to the authority given to elders. Conservative voice: “If Pastor [insert male name here] says it, it is true.” Progressive voice: “What do you think God is saying to us?” A common idea in the Christian Church is that authority is given to those in higher positions. This type of hierarchical structure often leads to the discouraging of questioning those in authority. There is one “head of the household,” and what he says goes."

Sometimes to have a pastor who is not biblical, who is clealy wrong, but the congregation is hesitant to say anything "because he's a pastor" or "because he's up there and I am down here." And that can be a problem .... I also don't like the fact that the elders are esteemed much that they have a higher say than what the Bible says. When an elder says something, that's just like God said something. I don't agree with that (Antony 2004). Several other people mentioned aspects of Confucian values that they believed were contrary to Christianity. For Andrew, the Confucian emphasis on obeying (human) authority was a serious problem in Korean church. Indeed, younger generation struggles because of feeling restricted by such rigid ethnic identity budaries that Asian thinks that is the most important and valuable.

Women, some churched Korean-American women, see their husbands “working so hard to provide for the family” and “trying so hard to please God,” they can endure the costs of the gender-traditional notion of a wife’s role, and above all, it refers that Christian faith is proved by working rather than grace. “When I met C’s (her husband) for the first time, I had no intention of marrying him….My family has always been Christians from my parents’ generation on. And I made a promise to God that I’ll marry only a Christian man. But when I said to C’s father, he said that he will attend the church from that day on. And ever since then he has been a good Christian…..Sometimes I really want to complain about unrealistic business deals and neverending chores that I have to do both in our stores and in our home for almost twenty-four hours a day. But seeing C’s father trying so hard to be a good Christian, I just can’t say anything. I tell myself that it’s better to endure everything than saying anything since he’s trying so hard to please God as it is (12/09/90)” (Kim 1997, 118).

Dreams
We should release the potential of differences among us rather focuses differences as problems. Harmony of community can contribute to the redemption work for American culture, helping different cultures to look beyond themselves and really intently listen on how they can serve others. Individualism can be redeemed to help people find a creative voice and personal boundaries. They can help the people who are marginalized in the state: Make a voice of justice in the society for the marginalization and participate God’s reconciliation work between race and ethnicity. To dream these, we should first build bridges between 1st and 2nd generation for the reconciliation within the church.

Ashcroft, Bill, et. al., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. (New York and London: Routledge, 1995).
Antony W. Alumkal, Asian American Evangelical Churches: Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation in the Second Generation. (New York and London: Routledge, 2004),
Kim, Rebecca Y. 2006. God's new whiz kids?. NY and London : New York University Press.

Kim, Jung Ha. 1997. Bridge Makers and Cross Bears: Korean -American Women and the Church. Atlanta : Scholars Press.
http://www.asianweek.com/2008/05/18/asian-american-christians-why-we-tend-to-be-conservative/
http://www.secretasianman.com

Binarisms
Sabrina Lee

Description
Binarisms are defined as a mode of thought predicated on stable oppositions (as good and evil or male and female) that is seen in post-structuralist analysis as an inadequate approach to areas of difference. It is also a specific dichotomy subscribed to or reinforced in such thought. [1] In the United States, Western thought thinks of things in terms of splits. Violence can be justified when you think in terms of those kinds of absolutes. In binarisms, there may be a dominant one, and/or defines, has control over the other binarism. Note that in binarisms, roles are very defined. If the roles get challenged it messes up the whole category. Definitions in the West are so strong, and when you have such a strong binary, people are willing to do lots of things to re-establish those boundaries. The church opposed that in terms of Just-Work Theory, you are not allowed to paint a people group evil. You need to give an honest assessment of a group. Thus, eradicating binaries is what motivates Westerners to be violent. Binaries for one culture to control the other, dominate or eradicate. Questions to ask are: What do we lose when we have these binaries? Who gets lost? Who gets alienated? Why is that going on? See exception? Deconstruction is about deconstruction those binaries, those dualisms don’t work. [2]

Stories
Binarisms and examples include the following:

Pastor versus Lay person. There is high prominence in having a title and status within the church. Because of heirarchy, pastors are respected and looked up to, whereas lay people are seen as regular members of the church.
Charismatic and conservative. In a general sense there is a division between those who are considered "charistmatic Christians versus those who are more conservative. Rather than co-exist together, such practices often divide churches or congregations.
Having visible spiritual gifts versus non-visible. Those in charismatic churches may value the demonstration and/or expression of spiritual gifts. Those who don't have it, may be less extolled or see as less "spiritual".
Public ministry (like leading worship) versus ushering (on the sidelines). Those who are in public ministry may be more looked up to or admired versus those who are in the more quiet servant type of leadership roles.
1st and 2nd generation (no place for the 1.5 generation). There is a division due to culture, upbringing between the first and second generation. In addition those in the 1.5 generation may feel less of a belonging due to their being born in another country and coming to the United States at 'x' age. In addition, sometimes the generational gap, whether it be .5 generation or 1 generation difference results in a feeling of dislocation and not belonging fully to one culture or another for the 1.5 or 2nd generation offspring.
Elderly versus youth. Elderly and youth may be divided in congregations. Especially for those who are 1.5 or 2nd generation, the elderly may speak in their native tongue with more rigid expectations on rules and filial piety that may or may not bring division with the youth who may not speak the native tongue of the elderly. Cultural barriers may exist.
Believer vs. unbeliever. Those who believe may be divided from those who are not believers or even seekers. Seekers or unbelievers may be seen as less.
*Asian American race is stuck between white and black, as in culture There are cultural expectations placed on this "model minority", which differs from those who are white or black. [3]
Rich donors versus the poor. Rich donors may be esteemed more than those who are only able to donate little. Success, career, monetary, is esteemed for Asian immigrants.
Language (English fluency). Sometimes language fluency is a great divide, which may indicate acculturation levels. Oftentimes the first generation depends on the 1.5 or 2nd generation for translation needs. Sometimes there is role reversal as well as a result. Please see the 'language, body and performance' section in this wiki.
- In America, it was perceived that "any achievement in spoken or written English was highly rewarded; prizes, prestige, applause; the ticket to higher realms. English became of the measure of intelligence and ability in the arts, the sciences, and all the other branches of learning. English became the main determinant of a child’s progress up the ladder of formal education (Ashcroft, 265). In order to survive and to better their economic and academic place, Asian Americans needed to learn the English language.
Church member versus nonchurch member.Being a church member may be esteemed higher than those who don't belong to a church. Asian churches value faithfulness, especially the older generation.
Baptized versus nonbaptize. Those who are baptized may be seen as more spiritual than those who are not.
Citizenship versus noncitizenship. Those who have citizenship may be seen as having greater power, and they do in a way in terms or access to resources, than those who are not. They may also be esteemed more as well, and an indicator of success.
Appearance / wealth (e.g. type of car) in rich versus poor. Since Asians value "face", those who "look" better may be esteemed more than those who are not. Symbols of wealth are seem as making it in America.
Educated versus noneducated. (e.g. theologically trained versus those not or have not taken seminary classes). Those who are educated may be respected more than those who are not. Education is an emphasis for many Asian cultures.

Dualisms, however, cannot account for other positions that complicate their apparently neat and clear-cut definitions and boundaries. Indeed, the ambivalences posed by Asians (and racial others who occupy ambiguous, “middling” positions, like Latinos, American Indians, and biracials) along the borders of race threaten a “category crisis,” as termed by Marjorie Garber in her Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing & Cultural Anxiety, in which definitional boundaries blur, borderlines become permeable, and the heretofore solid constructs of hierarchies and relations of power become destabilized, calling into question the “naturalisms” of dualisms and of the categories themselves. Asians are neither black nor white, despite attempts to analogize them as in “like black” or “like white,” or to negate them as in “nonwhite.” What I am suggesting is that the black-white binarism of race functions in the American experience to sustain white supremacy, or the power of white over black, and that the introduction of a third (or fourth or fifth) position can disrupt (as well as reinforce) the dominant discourse and alter the relations of power. I think, therefore, that the Asian racial subject is indispensable to both an understanding of race and an intervention in the politics of race. Those outcomes, if correct, are forthrightly fundamental and singularly significant.

Asians, the subject matter of this Magazine’s issue, are a diverse lot. Asians can be “racially” yellow, black, brown, and white, insofar as those colors constitute discrete phenotypes. Asians derive from West Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia, but also from Africa, South America, Europe, the Caribbean, Pacific Islands, and North America. Asians not only settled North America before the American Revolution, but they also came just yesterday. The political borders of the U.S. don’t contain the boundaries of Asian America because the Asian American identity and position within the American social relations are regional and national but also transnational in compass. Asian American families might be fractured by geo-political alignments, but their identities, constitutive of self, kin, and society, are not necessarily limited by the divide of the nation-state. The foregoing merely hint at the boggling diversity endemic to the group essentialized as “Asian American.”

*One such binarism is that of Asian Americans stuck between black and white, as in culture [3]. In her "Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism," philosopher Elizabeth Grosz argues that “dichotomous thinking necessarily hierarchizes and ranks the two polarized terms so that one becomes the privileged term and the other its suppressed, subordinated, negative counterpart" (Grosz, 3). Thus, for example, white/male/heterosexual constitutes the norm against which black/female/homosexual is defined. Further, notes Grosz, dualisms like mind and body are correlated with other oppositional pairs, such that mind is reason, reality, depth, active, transcendence—male, and the body, passion, appearance, surface, passive, immanence—female. Binarisms and their correlates, accordingly, structure and maintain privilege and power.

Chinese Americans living in today's "postcolonial" North America are often confronted by various forms of neocolonialism. It is no exception for those working within the field of biblical studies. In order to publish and be recognized within the guild, Chinese Americans are often asked to make the "nonchoice" between forsaking their own culture and engaging in the production of some exotic "biblical tourist literature" for others to visit and "sightsee" in times of leisure. This article attempts to expose the oppressive binarism of—in Cornel West's terms—"faceless universalism" and "ethnic chauvinism," and explore how Chinese American Bible scholars may negotiate this ideological dilemma by reading from a marginal site/sight [4].

Dreams
Asians, as the immerse in society, seek identity. Identity formation encompasses a strong desire to surround oneself with symbols of one’s racial identity, and a seeking out for opportunities to learn about one’s own history and culture with the support of same-race peers-Immersion. Positive images of Asian-Americans are growing. Examples from different sectors of the industry include government (Gary Locke, Daniel Inouye), Hollywood (Zhang Ziyi, Lucy Liu, Jackie Chan, Ang Lee, Margaret Cho), technology (Jerry Yang), sports (Chan Ho Park, Yao Ming), authors (Amy Tan), artists (The Asian Man, PhD Comics by Jorge Cham).

In addition, there is internalization & commitment, which is coming to terms with ourselves . Part of this process is internalization, which is a sense of security about one’s racial identity. There is also internalization-commitment, which is a personal sense of commitment to the concerns of ethnic group.

Asian Americans are a mix of cultures. Sometimes it seems like there is a binary pull to be either Asian or American. One sources discussed the complexity of being Asian American. That it isn't one binary or the other in terms of identity:

"From the interviews, we identified three patterns about Asian American racial identity. First, Asian Americans do perceive a racial identity, but there are many dimensions to this identity. What could be considered very simple questions regarding group commonality or identity descriptor are not so simple in the minds of Asian Americans. In our in-depth interviews, Asian Americans view their identities through multiple sets of dichotomies: national origin vs. racial, immigrant vs. native born, Americanized vs. Asian. Thus, Asian American racial identity is complex and is perceived by Asian Americans as having multiple, interrelated layers. Second, Asian American racial identity is relevant to political behavior. Asian Americans understand that there are social and political consequences attached to their racial identity and are willing to take into account those consequences in their political decisions. Finally, Asian American racial identity must be activated through contextual frames. Although we believe Asian American racial identity to exist, we observed our Asian Americans respondents as hesitant to immediately evoke their racial identities. Asian American racial identity must first be primed and, more importantly, substantiated before Asian Americans are willing to assert their racial identities in their social and political choices. Therefore, unlike African Americans, whose politicized racial identities are more of a given, Asian American racial identities need to be activated before they can be used as a tool for political action." [3]

[1] http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/binarism
[2] Ryan Bolger, Church in Mission lecture on October 8, 2008. Fuller Theological Seminary. Pasadena, CA.
[3] http://modelminority.com/article1110.html
[4] http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/brill/bii/2001/00000009/00000003/art00004?crawler=true
[5] http://www.oah.org/pubs/magazine/asianamerican/okihiro.html

Ashcroft, Bill, et. al., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. (New York and London: Routledge, 1995).
Garber, Marjorie. Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing & Cultural Anxiety (New York: Routledge, 1992)
Grosz, Elizabeth. Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism (Crows Nest, NSW Australia 1994)
http://www.intervarsity.org/mx/item/3827/

Representation and Resistance
Hannah Lee

Description
Asian Americans have been represented as the "model minority" that other minority groups would do well to imitate. In A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America, Ronald Takaki writes that when Asian Americans have been in the States for the majority of its history (150 years), but initially because of their physical, cultural, linguistic and other immediately perceivable differences, they were seen as "'strangers' coming from a 'different shore,'...as 'heathen,' exotic and unassimilable" (Takaki, 7).

But today, "Asian Americans represent the fastest-growing ethnic group. They have also become the focus of much mass media attention as 'the Model Minority' not only for blacks and Chicanos, but also for whites on welfare and even middle-class whites experiencing economic difficulties" (Takaki, 414). The Post-Colonial Studies Reader discusses the phenomenon of representation as causing people to internalize images of themselves as “authoritative pictures” of their own people (Ashcroft, 493).

In addition, Asian Americans today have inherited negative stereotypes from exaggerated portrayals of Asians in media, ranging from "Susie Wong" as the exotic and seductive East Asian woman to "Bruce Lee" as the taciturn but strong East Asian male or his opposite, "Long Duck Dong" from Sixteen Candles, that leave the larger American public with only a limited understanding of what Asians in America look, sound, act, feel, and think like. More recently, there has been a surge of interest in East Asian culture and there is a marked influence of mainly Chinese and Japanese culture on mainstream media, fashion, and culture - it is now "cool" to be Asian. Saturday morning cartoons are more often than not animated much like Japanese anime, leaving a young generation to consume an imported entertainment form, also a sign of globalization. However, it begs the question of where it leaves Asian Americans in terms of a sense of identity that comes from what we see depicted – they are forced to ask, "Are we really like that (“that” referring to the way we appear to Anglo-Americans and now, to Asians in Asia)?"

Stories
"Images could be very powerful. The first time I heard Chris and Joanne [one of the first Asian American folk groups] sing, something opened inside me. I had never thought of myself that way -- a grain of sand, in the belly of a monster, a yellow pearl -- descended from a line of courageous workers who built railroads, endured great hardships, faced exclusion acts, were not allowed to own property or to marry outside our race -- raised by women who slaved in sweatshops.

It's hard to explain why it affects me so deeply, but it is like "seeing" for the first time. Seeing that we didn't have to fit into someone else's world, into someone else's image. Learning about our own history, our own culture, one that had been hidden for a long time. It is -- like finding a piece of myself. I learn how to write my Chinese name. I begin looking for my own stories" (Parting the Wild Horse's Mane).

Thinking about resistance in the Asian American church in mind can be tricky if not completely confusing, and sometimes seems even irrelevant considering the cultural trends developing in the Asian American church. One article in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader discusses resistance as: “not necessarily an oppositional act of political intention, nor is it the simple negation or exclusion of the ‘content’ of an other culture, as a difference once perceived” (Emerson, 40). It is difficult to say which “other culture” Asian Americans might be opposing, if they were even doing that, because Asian Americans struggle to identify themselves as completely one or another (Asian or American). However, the “difference… perceived” comes into play in the very institution of the Asian American church, if critically observing that many Asian American churches (when differentiated from immigrant churches) are a single generation church made up of second-generation children of immigrants who have left the immigrant churches of their parents to gather together for worship, having felt out of place or less of a sense of belonging in white churches.

One issue with resistance is that there does not seem to be any; if there is any kind of resistance besides that the Asian American church is separate from the Asian immigrant churches, it is not apparent and probably not acknowledged even if pointed out. An interesting aspect of this is that Asian American Christians prefer to identify as Christian before Asian American, and are happy to imitate the majority, i.e. Willow Creek and Saddleback, without asking critical questions about culture. A problem that I see as someone who has studied Asian American history in the US and surveyed the cultural dynamics of immigrant communities is that Asian Americans, particularly those of East Asian descent, are only too happy to be as “white” as possible, but are unaware of it. Most Asian American adults who grew up and saw Long Duck Dong in Sixteen Candles as one of the few non-martial artist depictions of Asians in America wish they were Molly Ringwold or Ferris Bueller, and in thinking so, internalize that preference for white American and disdain of Asian American. One writer put it this way, “Within the complex relations of colonialism these representations were re-projected to the colonized – through formal education or general colonialist cultural relations – as authoritative pictures of themselves” (Ashcroft, 493).

Dreams

In The ‘Four Prisons’ and the Movements of Liberation: Asian American Activism from the 1960s to the 1990s Glenn Omatsu, a community activist, researcher, writer, and educator in Los Angeles, California uses the paradigm of the “four prisons” developed by Iranian philosopher Ali Shariati to examine the ways that the Asian American Movement, the main resistance movement of Asian Americans during the Civil Rights Movement, helped mold the consciousness of Asian Americans over the three decades between the 60s-90s. He writes, “The movements were struggles for liberation from many prisons,” which are: 1) historical and geographical confinement, 2) historical ignorance, 3) societal social and class structure, and finally 4) the self.

Asian American Activism helped in building and carrying influence and power in the Asian American community that we see continuing today. Because of the activism, network and community building, strategizing, and victorious won mainly in the 70s (when the larger Civil Rights movement began to wane and divide, according to Omatsu) Asian Americans have been able to prosper and flourish as a community that originally began as an immigrant community. Omatsu makes a point that the Asian American community began to change significantly after the 1965 Immigration Act, with numerous new immigrants flooding in from all over Asia especially in the late 70s and all throughout the 80s.

New immigrants reaped benefits of the groundwork laid by activism during Civil Rights Movement and analyzes the neo-conservativism of young Asian American professionals from the 80s til now; Omatsu suggests that a partnership between the new professionals and older activists must be struck up in order to continue the work of transforming society and the fight against injustice and oppression.

Asian Americans churches do not seem to be engaged in any kind of organized sociopolitical resistance perhaps because many Asian Americans today are first or second generation immigrants who are still struggling to survive and “make it,” fulfill the “American Dream.” Others say it is because some Asian groups, such as Koreans, have a bad taste in their mouths when it comes to politics because of the history of the abuse of power in the mother country. On the other hand, a few Asian Americans outside of the churches appear to be engaged in resistance in various forms, particularly in social forums dominated by college-aged students and in small pockets of artists, writers, scholars, and thinkers who carry on the legacy of Asian American activists from the 70s and 80s.

Nonetheless, Asian American Christians, especially Charismatics, are beginning to see an awakening of consciousness on another level; justice is now on the bulletin as a top priority agenda item, specifically because it is increasingly known that Justice is God’s agenda today. This can be seen clearly in Asian American support of Proposition 4 (8 would be a whole other complicated issue because of the way the Asian American movement joined/embraced the activism of the LGBT community for the most part), as Asian Americans have come alongside and even helped lead the charge against abortion, the taking of lives of unborn children.

This has yet to take form in Asian American Christians lobbying or protesting in front of courts for social justice that addresses systemic socioeconomic injustice, racial injustice, lack of access to decent education, affordable healthcare, social services and programs that meet the needs of already broken families and communities…but there is always tomorrow, and things take time. Meanwhile, those Asian Americans who are both Christian and socially conscious can continue to stay connected, educate themselves and others, and diligently intercede and pray.

Aguilar-San Juan, Karin. The State of Asian America: activism and resistance in the 1990s. (South End Press Collective, 1994).
Ashcroft, Bill, et. al., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, 2nd Ed. (New York and London: Routledge, 1995).
Emerson, Michael. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006).
Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. (New York: Back Bay Books, Little Brown, 1993).
Parting the Wild Horse's Mane: Asian American Images an the Asian Media Collective http://www.kqed.org/w/snapshots/01transforming/05lee_gordon.html

Nationalism
Lydia Adi, Kevin Gruver

Description
Nationalism is defined by Franz Fanon as “the whole body of efforts made by a people in the sphere of thought to describe, justify, and praise the action through which that people has created itself and keeps itself in existence.” (Ashcroft, 120)The American Heritage Dictionary includes another definition of nationalism as “devotion to the interests or culture of one's nation.”

Stories
Antony W. Alumkal describes this nationalism being manifested in Asian American churches as places where “ethnic and racial identities are preserved, reformulated, and mobilized and where relationships to the larger society are negotiated” (Alumkal, 30). Culture affects much of the traditions that exist in the church today. Although Western missionaries brought Christianity to many countries in Asia, many “pre-existing religious traditions” such as Confucianism “reinforced principles of hierarchy and authority.” Shamanism also influenced the Christian practices with “subjective experience, emphasizing oneness, wholesome emotional involvement, euphoric feeling, psychological comfort, and the like.” (Alumkal, 30)

For example in the Pyongyang Revival of 1907, Alumkal quoted on William Newton Blair’s eyewitness account that “the whole audience began to pray out loud, all together. The effect was indescribable….The prayer sounded to me like the falling of many waters, an ocean of prayer beating against God’s throne.” (Alumkal, 31) Influenced by Shamanism, it was an emotional experience of oneness, bringing together people and oneself in emotional involvement by audibly speaking prayers together, each voice reinforcing the other.

Nationalism is often shown in churches through ethnic cuisine and use of ethnic language. After a church service, many Asian American churches have a time of fellowship around the table. They share many of their own ethnic dishes and enjoy other types of foods from their own culture. Asian Americans keep much of their nationality by dining together. Food is a commonality in many cultures. The familiar tastes can help people identify with their ethnicity. (Alumkal, 103)

The use of language by Asian Americans also helps them identify with their nationality. Asian American families will speak their mother tongue at home while using English in public life. The parents will try to teach their children the language before they even start school. Language is very important in any culture for people to identify themselves. Many cultures will use their language mixed with English in basic communications. Some examples are Koreans and Chinese Americans. Korean Americans will speak in English but add “oppa” at the end, when talking to an older male. Chinese Americans will speak English but say “Thank You” in Mandarin or Cantonese. Languages are very important for people to identify with their nationality. (Alumkal, 103)

Nationalism is not only supported because of devotion to one’s culture and mother country but because it is needed in order to help immigrants and their families “cope with the discomfort they experience as they attempt to adjust to their new society.” (Alumkal, 87) These ethnic churches are a “place that reproduces the society of origin on a small scale,” and is often “one of the few available institutions for gathering with co-ethnics.” (Alumkal, 97)

Much of this integration is found in more ways than one. The church also serves as not only a religious center, but also a social environment for immigrants. It also functions as “surrogates for (non-existent) Korean ethnic neighborhoods, acting as a broker between Korean immigrants and the larger society, and serving as a surrogate extended family for those whose family ties were severed by immigration.” (Alumkal, 37) A research on foreign-born Chinese youth shows that “rejection and discrimination by ‘Americans’ and close association with other foreign-born coethnic peers, in turn, increase the sense of ethnic pride and commitment to [Asian] culture.” (Lee and Zhou, 155)

Apart from needs related to immigrants, Asian Americans tended to stay in the English ministries and branches of their ethnic churches because of a sense of belonging and similarity. One Chinese-American described that fellow church members had similar backgrounds and upbringing. She believed that she could have a “greater impact,” becoming a “bridge since [she was] fluent into both English and Mandarin.” (Alumkal, 101)

The Difficulties Caused by Nationalism
Nationalism affects Asian-Americans in many different ways. There is a tension between nationalistic values and Christian values. The second generation often feel the effect of nationalism emotionally and academically. To add to the success-oriented American culture, Asian parents often push their children to do excel in school. Although being a good principle, when expectations are not met, many children have suffered with deep feelings of shame and failure as parents have associated achievement with Christian values. People in churches have adopted the value that success is everything. The pressure builds on people and it hurts the community. Christians are called to be humble and to do their best in life. They should encourage each other, especially the children. When people fail, the church should build them back up through encouragement. (Alumkal, 113)

There is also the issue of obeying and respecting authority. As a vital part of many Asian cultures, many times obedience becomes a blind trust and gives the authority figure too much power. In the Asian American church, the pastor has most of the control because of his position and there have been reports of abuse of power. While he has a big role in the church, sometimes a church will follow him blindly, even when his principles are unbiblical. The church must follow the pastor in view of biblical teachings. (Alumkal, 113)

High population of Chinese people keeps a church as an ethnic church—even if it has goals to becoming multicultural. Chinese Americans are one of the main Asian American groups. The population of Chinese Americans are so high that churches are growing. Many Asian churches want to become multiethnic but cannot draw other ethnicities. This keeps the church very centered on being a Asian American Church. The church is there to serve the community around them. Whoever comes to the church should be from that community around the church.

Dreams
As long as America continues to open up its doors to other countries, there will be ethnic churches, centers of community and networking for the immigrant. However, the most important thing is not whether a church is monocultural, Asian American or multiethnic. God cannot be placed in a box and be limited to doing church one way or another. Yet, the question is if the church places the Kingdom of God as the top priority. Pastor Brian Kim, the lead pastor of Newsong North Orange County, believes that "if the church is making impact and is about the Kingdom of God then I don’t know if it’s really significant whether it’s monoculture or multicultural or one language. I’m not sure that is the most important thing."

The question lies in finding God's vision for a particular church. Many second generation Asians have desired to leave behind the ethnic church out of frustration. Pastor Brian Kim shared that what tends to happen is that these churches are created out of "reaction, instead of vision." They plant churches according to what their former churches were not. He shared that these churches end up creating the same thing, the same church with the same problems, but only in English.

Even in creating an English Ministry (often called the "E.M."), services are done differently yet still try to take all the resources from the ethnic, first generation church. These ministries must have its own vision and calling. They must learn to walk by faith as an independent body, yet still honoring their parents. Pastor Kim shared that the second generation will grow and mature, becoming young professionals, even C.E.O.s yet their parents will still say to them "you are the future." They are forever the future, and do not believe that they can grow in faith, maturity, and independence today. God has gifted them with talents and amazing opportunities to make a difference, doing even greater things than their parent churches.

Many Asian Americans have been shaped and brought up in ethnic churches, yet the concern is not the ethnic church, but upon what God's vision is for the individual. We cannot serve just because of family obligations or because of duty to the ethnic church. God has uniquely designed and prepared people for a great calling in their lives. In heaven, there will be people from every tribe and tongue, a place full of uniqueness and color. Therefore, we can embrace and be thankful for our ethnicity because God created us into that ethnicity for a purporse. There are values and teachings that we can learn, traits and characteristics that will prepare us for His plan.

It is true that we need to remember where we came from. Our background plays a big part in who we are. However, there will be different ways to embrace our culture and learn about our ethnic background, not necessarily keeping us at the ethnic church to just learn about culture. Whether we grew up with bad or good experiences with the culture, God is able to redeem the different aspects and experiences for His glory.

Our dream is for a generation that does not blindly follow tradition or culture because of obligation and similarly, does not blindly run away from culture out of frustration, yet to be a generation that embraces God's calling. What is the destiny that God has in store for the individual, the Asian American? What can we learn from our past and our values? How has that shaped me, my worldview, my skills, my character and my appearance? How can I use those factors for God's Kingdom? How can we find our destiny? The discover begins by looking at our experiences and incredible background.

Alumkal, Anthony W. Asian American Evangelical Churches: Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation in the Second Generation. (New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2003.).
Ashcroft, Bill, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, 2nd Edition. (London and New York: Routledge, 2006).
Lee, Jennifer, and Zhou, Min. (Ed.), Asian American Youth: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity (New York, NY: Routledge, 2004).
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/nationalism

Education
Lydia Adi

History of the Charismatic Movement and Nondenominational Church
Ben Cowan

Dreams
Pentecostalism is a large umbrella term to incorporate all the various organizations, church denominations, missionary agencies, and people who believe that the gifts of the Holy Spirit—healing, speaking in tongues, prophecy, etc. are to be practiced today. The destiny of Asian Americans to the Pentecostal Pentecostal/Charismatic movement, this section will first look at the two leading earlier figures within Pentecostalism: Charles Parham and Will Seymour. Then, the various missionary movements throughout Asia will briefly be highlighted and the rise of the Charismatic Movement.

Stories

Charles Parham
(Photo below: Charles Parham (Top), Agnes Ozman (Bottom))

Parham began his ministry within the Methodist church when he was 20 years old. He appeared to be a promising evangelist, with high potential within the ranks of the Methodist. However, Parham personally felt more connected with the Holiness and their views of the “second blessing”; during the 1890’s this view was becoming very unpopular with the Methodist. Parham eventually departed from the Methodist Church, joining the Holiness Movement. During this period, Parham developed a very strong dispensations imminent eschatology. In addition, Parham believed that healing was an act of the atonement, dependent upon the faith of the believer—doctors and medicines were signs of lack of faith Thirdly, Parham was exposed to Irwin’s idea that there was a baptism of fire; separate from the baptism of sanctification, and that this was the true baptism of the Holy Spirit. Parham became enraptured, not with Irvin’s thought, but the idea of another distinct work of God.

In 1900, Parham established Bethel Bible School and a healing home in Topeka Kansas. In December of that year, after lecturing on the Holy Spirit, Parham asked his students to define what the New Testament identifies as evidence of being filled with the Spirit was. This led his students to fast, study, and prayer concerning what the Bible defines as the one proof of a person having the Holy Spirit. When Parham returned from a preaching tour three days later, without any disagreement, Parham’s students declared that the scriptures identified tongues as the evidence of a person having been filled with the Holy Spirit. In agreement with their conclusion, Parham called for a New Year’s Eve prayer service on December 31, 1900 to seek the Holy Spirit. A female student, by the name Agnes Oman, asked Parham to pray that she would receive the baptism of the Holy Spirit and she spoke in the Chinese language. Parham would take this experience of Spirit-baptism, with the evidence of tongues, to the rest of the Holiness Movement. Agnes Oman experience of xenoglossa (gift of the Spirit that enables a person to speak a known language) provided the foreshadowing of Pentecostalism future impact on Asia and Asian Americans.

William Seymour
(Photo below: William Seymour)

Seymour had been raised Baptist, but found a home among the holiness people. From 1900 to 1902, Seymour attended Martin Well Knapp’s God’s Bible School to learn about holiness theology. Seymour was a powerful oratory and became an evangelist. Looking for relatives in Texas, he happened to attended Lucy Farrow’s holiness church and was ask to become its pastor. Farrow introduced Seymour to Parham, whom allowed him to set outside the door, segregation laws in Texas prevented intermixing of whites and blacks, to learn about the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Seymour accepted this idea; when he was called to lead a holiness church in LA, he went with the intention of sharing the knowledge of being baptized in the Holy Spirit, in1906. However, the church he was invited to was not excited about this new baptism and locked him out. This resulted in Seymour preaching at house on Bonnie Brea Street, in Los Angeles. As news traveled about this new doctrine of Spirit-baptism, more people started to come, although no one, including Seymour, had experienced it. Seymour sent word to Parham about his of lack experiences in LA and Parham sent Farrow and J.A. Warren. When one of the members of his group, Edward Lee, asked Seymour to pray for healing, Farrow perceived he was ready for the baptism of the Holy Spirit. When she, along with Seymour, laid hands on him, he received it. Word spread, and more people, including Seymour, received the baptism, causing the Azusa Street Revival.

The Azusa Street Revival
(Photo below: Azusa Street Revival)

As word spread about what happened on Bonnie Brea Street, the crows grew larger to the point that street was being flooded. This lead to search the surrounding area to buy the old abandoned Stevens African Methodist Episcopal Church, which had been abandoned on Azusa Street. Renamed the Azusa Street Mission, meetings went from 10 am to midnight, with continuous 24 hour prayer for the first three years, and meetings would continue till 1915. Frank Bartleman, an eyewitness to the Pentecostal Azusa Street Revival, described the social- demographics of the meetings in the following way: “The place was packed out nightly…There was far more white people than color coming. The “color line’ was washed away by the blood…We had no ‘respect of persons.’ The rich educated were the same as the poor and ignorant…The Lord was liable to burst through anyone…It might be a child, a woman, or a man”. United by the work of the Spirit, people of various ethnic groups, gender, and social-economic statuses, gathered to worship God and seek the gift of the Holy Spirit. Anyone—child or old; male or female; Black, White, Latino, or Asian—were allowed to speak as the Spirit give utterance The first encounters of Asian Americans with Pentecostal/Charismatic thinking happened during this time. Some returned back to their home churches while others played would join to the various new Pentecostal denominations that would form, particularly the Assemblies of God.

Missionary Efforts

The second wave of Asian American association with Pentecostalism and Charismatics is a result of events taking place on the Asian continents and missionaries from the numerous church organizations and missionary organizations that would become a byproduct of the Azusa Street revival. Pentecostal like phenomena (dreams, visions, miracles, falling prostrate, and rare occasions of speaking in tongues) had been common throughout the Asian continent. Pentecostal like phenomena it became more frequent during the mid and towards the end of the 19th century in South India. At the turn of the 20th century, similar events were concurring throughout India, Korea, Japan, China, Manchuria, and Japan. In July 1906, in Bombay (now Mumbai), the missionary Minnie F. Abrams began to emphasis that tongues was a gift of the Holy Spirit. The belief that tongues was a gift of the Spirit in India happened independent of the events of Azusa Street and Charles Parham's efforts. When the first missionaries form Azusa Street arrived in Calcutta India, Alfred G. and Lillian Garr , they found people who had already experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit. The missionary effort would spread from India into Sir Lanka. In 907 the first Pentecostal missionaries reached China: T.J. MccIntosh and his wife to Hong Kong. The entry of Pentecostalism in to Korea came in 1908 by two women from California: Sisters Daniels and Brand. The result would be the establishment of many of the major Pentecostals Churches: Assemblies of God, Pentecostal Holiness, the International Church of Foursquare, etc. throughout Asia. Through the process of immigration many Asians who would become residents and citizens brought the Pentecostal experience with them, establishing their own churches, worked with Asian American churches, and joined mainline Pentecostal and various non-denominational Charismatics churches.

Charismatic Movement

In the United States Pentecostalism was associated with the poor, ignorant, minorities and uneducated people. However, this would change in November of 1959 when Dennis Bennett, rector of St. Mark's Episcopal Church in Van Nuys California, while praying with friends, was filled with the Holy Spirit and spoke in tongues. Bennett proclaimed his experience to his church on April 1960, which resulted in him being kicked out. The news of Episcopal priest speaking in tongues, was picked up by Time and Newsweek, and began the Charismatic renewal. People within the Catholic, Orthodox, and the mainline Protestant denominations all experienced the baptisms of the Holy Spirit. The result of this being accepted by mainline denominations opened many Asian Americans to the experience of Pentecostalism, in addition to the rapid growth of Pentecostal experiences in many Asian countries, particularly Singapore and Korea. The effect of Pentecostalism gave rise to two new types of church movements. Churches which no longer wanted to be associated with mainline churches because of their stance on the Holy Spirits broke away from these churches and became independent. In addition, indigenous churches throughout Asia adapted forms of Pentecostalism due to the easiness of contextualization of Pentecostal theology

Dreams
What does the future hold for Asian American Charismatics? With the growing numbers of converts within the Asian world and the increasing number of immigrants from Asia to the United States, the numbers can only go up. In addition, as many Asian Americans struggle to discovery what it means to be Asian American, the fluidity and diverse experiences of Charismatics provides a safe environment to explore spirituality, contemporary culture, and connections to the ancestors. Not surprisingly, all numbers indicate the number of American Asians who will be Charismatics will continue to grow.

Bartleman, Frank. Azusa Street: An Eyewitness Account. Gainsville: Bridge-Logos. 2006.

Goff Jr., James R. Fields White Unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism. Fayetteville: The University of Arkansas. 1988.

Robeck Jr., Ceil M. The Azusa Street Mission and Revival. Nashville: Thomas Nelson. 2006.

Seymour, William J. Azusa Street Sermons by William J. Seymour. The Complete Azusa Street Library. Vol. 5. Larry Martin ed. Joplin: Christian Life. 1999

Sunquist, Scott, John Hiang Chea Chew, and David Chusing Wu. A Dictionary of Asian Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI: W.B. Eerdmans. 2001

Synan, Vinson. The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100 Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal 1901-2001. Nashville: Thomas Nelson. 2001.

__________. The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans. 1997

Hybridity and Indigeneity
Elliot Chung

Description
"Twinkie" is defined as a devilishly delicious yet unmercifully fattening snack, which consists of a yellow cake-like substance on the outside and a white creamy filling in the inside. In the colloquial, ‘twinkie’ is a description of the struggle between an individual’s indigeneity and cultural hybridity: Asian on the outside, but American in the inside. Depending on whom you speak with being called a ‘twinkie’ is not always looked so favorably, or even as the comic suggested… downright confusing.

Hybridity and indigeneity are two interdependent themes overlapping in post-colonial discussions. Hybridity can be perceived as act submission to the dominant culture but most post-colonial writers would argue that it is rather a mutual merging of binary cultures. According to Ashcroft, “Hybridity is a phenomena in post-colonial societies as a result of conscious moments of cultural suppression, as when the colonial power invades to consolidate political and economic control, or when settler-invaders dispossess indigenous peoples and force them to ‘assimilate’ to new social patterns” (Ashcroft, 137).

Indigeneity in essence is the identification and categorization of a colonized group by imperial narratives. Ashcroft’s The Post-Colonial Studies Reader elaborates, “Imperial narratives such as that of anthropology in their project of naming and thus knowing indigenous groups have imported a notion of aboriginality, of cultural authenticity, which proves difficult displace. The result is the positioning of the indigenous people as the ultimately marginalized, concept that reinscribes the binarism of centre/margin, and prevents their engagement with the subtle processes of imperialism by locking them into a strategic but ultimately self-defeating essentialism" (Ashcroft, 163).

Stories
Visible examples of hybridity and indigeneity in recent history are found in the great islands Hawaii.

Hybridity
In addition to the history of being an American colony and as a more recent addition to the United States, Hawaii has always struggled to balance both American and its native culture. This struggle led to the evolution of a Hawaiian Creole commonly known as Pidgin, infusing the native Hawaiian language, English, Portuguese, and Cantonese. Even favorite American past-times and Hawaiian culture found a need for hybridity as The University of Hawaii’s NCAA Division I college football team, The Warriors, ritually performs the Hawaiian Ha'a war chant prior to kick-off. These cases display an act of hybridity as both Hawaiian and American cultures merge to form new tradition and practices.

Indigeneity
Hawaii also was home to the 100th Battalion also known as the Purple Heart Battalion, the most decorated unit during WWII, comprised of all Japanese American soldiers as mentioned in Takaki’s book, The Different Mirror. He writes, “many young Japanese Americans were determined to create a better future for themselves and as well as their parents, and they believed that one way to accomplish this was to serve in the American armed forces. By defending their country, they would be able to demonstrate the loyalty of Japanese Americans as well as claim their American birth-right" (Takaki, 383). Takaki shares of the emancipation of Jewish prisoners at Dachau by Japanese American soldiers as one Jewish prisoner describes his surprise and confusion to see an American liberator that didn’t look like an “American”. “When they first came in, we thought they were allies of the Germans… We believed they were there to torture us” (Takaki, 377). While these Japanese-American soldiers displayed an amazing patriotism, the prisoners misinterpreted their heroism due to the pre-established imperial narrative of the American and Japanese image.

Hybridity and indigeneity are in constant tension against each other as many Asian Americans embark a journey of identity between American culture and the culture of their respective heritage. One Asian American wrote, “There’s a very Western view in which somehow you need to resolve the tension between any two thing, to want thing to come to a kind of conclusion… whereas I’ve been wondering where this whole idea of fluidity comes from, and I think it’s because I grew up with an [Eastern] idea of yin/yang, sweet/sour. Opposites don’t fight each other, but belong together and can intensify each other, and are simply in the nature of the world" (Baek, 13).

Hybridity and Indigeneity in the Asian American Church
Sociologist Elaine Howard Ecklund reported a study of second-generation Koreans in Korean congregations. She reported that “Korean in Korean talked about being Korean relatively little and preferred to se themselves as [white] Americans” (Emerson, 120). In General she found that Korean Americans desired to have similar views as with white Americans thus enabling Korean Americans to reconcile with white congregations without much resistance and discomfort. Ecklund also found that Koreans in multiethnic or hybrid churches has different views of their identities in comparison to Koreans in Korean or indigenous churches because they were able to be simultaneously be both Korean and American.

Dreams
As long as the motto of America is "out of many, one" and as long as the Statue of Liberty reads "Give me your tired, your poor..." hybridity and indigeneity will continue to juxtapose each other in constant contention. And as immigrants from Asia continue cross the shores of the Pacific, there will always be a need for indigenous congregations and because of the increase in second, third, forth, etc generations of Asian Americans, there will be a growing, and possibility overwhelming, need for more hybrid congregation in the United States. Just as the state of Hawaii were able to find their voice through Pidgin, and their dance through football, the hope is that Asian American churches will discover its own voice and dance and ultimately its identity. My personal hope is that as the demand and need for hybridity increases in the church, we would celebrate our respective indigeneity while striving for hybridity, thus truly reflecting the Kingdom of God here on this planet.

(Image below: "Chinese Born American" by Lark Pien)

Ashcroft, Bill, et. al., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, 2nd Ed. (New York and London: Routledge, 1995).
Emerson, Michael. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006).
Baek, N.J. Y. Yell-Oh girls! (New York, NY: HarperCollins Books, 2001).
Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. (New York: Back Bay Books, Little Brown, 1993).

Race and Ethnicity
Hannah Lee

Description
Race is a shifting and strategic social construction, an unstable complex of social meanings constantly being transformed by sociopolitical struggle. Notions of race change, and have changed over time. Carolus Linus Blumenbach was the first to take the idea of different races and put them into five distinctions by geography and color; he categorized Asians as "yellow" amongst red, white, brown, and black. Ethnicity, or ancestry, describes cultural heritage, often referring to a culture and history developed over time in a country. Nationality is a legal term that tells what nation a person belongs to. Asian Americans are known to be of the Asian race and ethnicity (or ancestry) and American nationality and citizenship.

It is important to understand that race as a social construct tries to encompass a large number of people that is a part of a general population for politically strategic purposes. In America, the term "Asian American" is used to Americans of Asian ancestry who trace their lineage and cultural roots back to people who lived on the Eastern or "Asian" region of the Eurasian continent. Socially, Asian American has implied mostly those of East Asian ancestry including Mongolian, Chinese, Korean, Taiwanese, and Japanese, while leaving those of other Asian ancestries such as South Asian and Southeast Asian to their own category, "due to the historical and cultural influences of China and Japan on the U.S. up to the 1960s and in preference to the terms 'Oriental' and 'Asiatic.' In other words, because the first large groups of Asians to immigrate to America in the 1800s were mostly from the eastern regions of the Asia, the term "Asian American" came to refer mainly to East Asians.

However, the term today has been broadened to include those of South and Southeast Asian ancestry which means Asian American can be someone who identifies as: Bangladeshi or Pakistani American, Cambodian American, Chinese American, Filipino American, Hmong American, Indian American, Japanese American, Korean American, Laotian American, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander American, Taiwanese American, and Vietnamese American.

Stories
"As a Korean American pastor notes above, individuals want to worship and gather with those who are most like themselves. Sociologists refer to this as the homophily principle: the idea that "similarity breeds connection," that ties between similar individuals are more binding. [1] I find the same homophilic forces at work in the campus evangelical community; given the opportunity to participate in a variety of campus ministries, students choose a campus ministry where they can be with those who are most familiar and similar to them. For SGKAs, this means that they will associate with those who are most likely to share the experience of growing up and having intergenerational and intercultural conflicts with the first-generation in the United States.

When asked why they choose ethnic specific Korean American campus ministries over others, SGKA consistently answer that doing so is more or most "comfortable." When asked what exactly makes it more "comfortable" for them, SGKAs point to the shared experience of straddling two cultures--growing up in America and having intergenerational and intercultural conflicts with the first-generation. As a SGKA explains: "Most of us have first-generation parents. We know what goes on in a Korean house ... parents' pressure, study study study, marry a Korean, don't talk back. So it is easier to get closer with other Koreans. They know where you are coming from." [1]

-----

In People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States, Michael Emerson writes in his appendix about the history of metaphors used to discuss race and ethnic relations in the U.S. beginning with the sentence, “How to relate to one another within racial and ethnic diversity is an issue the United States has struggled to define, name, and negotiate for its entire history,” pointing out that diversity has existed in America since its founding (Emerson, Appendix A). Two things stood out to me as an Angeleno who was born and raised (mostly) in California: first, that the issue is not so much the diversity itself so much as the obstacles that it naturally poses when it comes to different people relating to one another, and second, that even though the city of Los Angeles has its roots in a small pueblo, or an American Indian village, begun 227 years ago by a ragtag band of people of Mexican, Spanish, African, Native American, and mixed descent, it is still known for its racial tensions and oppression of “the other,” whomever that may be. To me, these realizations beg the question, is race and ethnicity really the root of the problem, or could it be that the roots actually lie deeper within the brokenness of humanity, and that race and ethnicity are just some aspects (sometimes used as excuses) of the fear and distrust of the “other” that bind and separate people to and from one another?

Dreams
Emerson asks questions about what it means to be diverse but together, and how America’s official motto, “out of many, one,” plays out in real life, citing sociological terms and common metaphors such as the melting pot, the mosaic, and the salad bowl. In particular he asks, “Does the motto mean ‘Americanization,” wherein successive waves of immigrants are ‘Anglocized’”? (Emerson, 173) An interesting tidbit: when Koreans say “American,” they really mean “White.” But at the same time, we have another for a white person, “Baek-In,” which literally means, “White person.” There’s a fascinating tension revealed by a look at our use of language to describe American things and people – “America” is “Mi-guk,” or “Beautiful Country.” However, “White person,” is not the most respectful term to describe a person because it looks at nothing but one’s color, which is obviously superficial, prone to false and dangerous stereotyping, and overly general to accurately describe any one person or group of people. So then, how does one explain the language that Koreans, just one immigrant group in the United States, use to discuss Anglo Americans? And how does the unexplained tension play out in ethnic relations between Koreans and other racial and ethnic groups? It remains unclear for the most part, except that ambiguity has not always served to bring understanding, peace, and harmony to the process of building relationships between communities of different people.

In view of the Los Angeles Riots of April 1992 and the supposed Black-Korean conflict that was at the root of it (according to the media), I wonder how both African Americans and Koreans (and Latinos), known as very spiritual and religious people in the United States, are able to continue worshipping in their culturally and ethnically homogenous churches without addressing issues of race and ethnicity that are riddled with ambiguity, tensions, and often inappropriate and misused metaphors for understanding the other. My hope is that one day soon, minority groups that have become pitted against each other and trapped into seeing other through negative racial lenses will recognize that they need to work together to overcome the barriers placed upon them and reach out to one another as unique individuals, as communities and as peoples who understand they are more than their race or ethnicity, thus setting examples for relationship-based building of community for the rest of the world. Because their eyes are certainly on us.

[1] http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SOR/is_1_65/ai_n6141809/pg_6?tag=artBody;col1

Emerson, Michael. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006).

History and Place
Tai Nguyen

Description

Asian American history is the history of individual ethnic groups, and also the common history of groups often affected by the same laws and a culture that often saw them as one racial group. Since the late 1960s and 1970s, many activists and academics referred to an "Asian American movement" similar to the civil rights movement to refer to efforts across different Asian groups to promote their common welfare.

In the latter 20th century, spurred by the 1965 Immigration Act, Asians from many different groups immigrated in larger numbers, often arriving as college students, or skilled workers with degrees. Their image of success was portrayed with headlines of the "Model Minority".

When they first arrived in the United States, Asian immigrants were welcomed, or at least tolerated. After the California gold rush brought thousands of Chinese to California, however, Asian immigrants faced restrictive laws and occasional violence.

In the late 1800s Chinese, and eventually other Asians, were excluded from citizenship. These laws were repealed during World War II, followed by further immigration-law changes, making it easier for Asians to enter the United States.

Today, Asian immigrants have a high rate of assimilation and participation in the American mosaic.

Stories
Chinese Immigrants History: Gold Rush Boom
The Chinese were the first Asians to arrive in large numbers. By the 1830s Chinese were selling goods in New York City and toiling in Hawaiian sugarcane fields. Gold was discovered in California in 1848, eventually attracting thousands of Chinese miners and contract laborers. In 1850, just over 1,000 Asian immigrants entered the U.S., but ten years later, the figure had jumped to nearly 37,000, mostly Chinese.

In some quarters, Chinese workers were welcomed. The Central Pacific Railroad recruited Chinese to work on the transcontinental railroad in 1865. Three years later the Chinese and the U.S. ratified the Burlingame Treaty which facilitated Chinese immigration.

However, many people feared being "overwhelmed" by the influx, which had swelled to nearly 65,000 in 1870, and over 107,000 in 1880. Some cities passed laws against Chinese and other Asians, often referred to as "Mongolians." Anti-Chinese riots erupted in Chico, California, in 1877 and in Rock Springs, Wyoming, in 1885.

Japanese Immigrants History: Plantation/WWII
Japanese in Hawaii
Sugar is believed to have been first milled in Hawaii as early as 1802; however, it was not until the 1840s that it became a major crop. Native Hawaiians were hired first to do the growing, harvesting, and milling of sugar, but there eventually became an acute shortage of Hawaiian laborers. Recognizing the need for cheap labor for sugar plantations, the Hawaiian ambassador to Japan persuaded the government to allow 180 contract laborers to sign up for work.

The Japanese found conditions on the sugar plantation harsh. They worked from dawn to dusk, unaccustomed to the scorching hot Hawaiian sun. Because they did not understand orders given in English, workers were often bullwhipped. After the Japanese government learned of these conditions, Special Commissioner Katsunosuke Inouye was sent to Hawaii to investigate charges of cruelty to Japanese workers. Japan threatened to stop sending workers unless something was done to stop this abuse. Frightened by the possibility of termination of the labor source and hoping to satisfy Japan's concern for Japanese workers in Hawaii, the Hawaiian government entered into an agreement with Japan making Japanese immigrants wards of the Hawaiian government, and the planters its agents. Waiting to see if the agreement with Hawaii stopped Japanese worker abuse, Japan did not allow further emigration until 1886. Between 1886 and 1894, 26 sailings brought 29,069 Japanese immigrants. Another 30,000 Japanese immigrants were brought in during the two years after Hawaii's annexation in 1898.
After the Organic Act was passed in 1900, giving Japanese laborers more freedom, there were many small strikes for increased wages and better working conditions. Dissatisfied and unhappy, over 40,000 left Hawaii for employment in the United States. This, and an outbreak of bubonic plague among the immigrants of Honolulu, caused a critical labor shortage. Sugar planters then turned to the Filipinos as a source of cheap labor.

Japanese in the United States
In 1880, two years before the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act, fewer than 200 Japanese lived in the United States. A decade later, Japanese immigrated at an annual rate of 1,000. From 1899 to 1903, another 60,000 entered the United States, largely because of the acute labor shortage in California. The exclusion of the Chinese had left many menial and unskilled jobs without takers. The Japanese population at this time was concentrated largely on the Pacific Coast, with the center at San Francisco. They were rural farmers from southern Honshu and Kyushu, and unlike the Chinese who migrated to urban living, the Japanese preferred rural farming. The early Japanese farmers and farm organizations laid the groundwork for future Japanese immigrants by providing capital and agriculture expertise.

As with the Chinese, the Japanese welcome began to fade as their numbers began to rise. Unlike the Chinese, however, the Japanese did not disperse. America began to stereotype Asians into two categories: the Chinese, humble and "inferior" who could be tolerated; and the Japanese who were cunning and aggressive and required domination to keep them in place.

In 1907, President Theodore Roosevelt negotiated a "Gentlemen's Agreement" that called for Japan to issue passports to Japanese coming to the continental United States only if they were coming to join a parent, husband, child, or to return to a former home or farm. This agreement greatly diminished Japanese emigration to America. Between 1930 and 1940 the number returning to Japan exceeded new immigrants to the United States. This trend continued up to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Many Japanese parents sent their children to Japan to be educated, and by 1942 it was estimated that more than 25,000 Asian-Americans had been educated in Japan.

Korean Immigrants History: Sugar Plantation
Korean-Americans have been able to thrive in the United States because of a strong emphasis on family, community support (often found through the church), education, and tradition. Korean immigration has contributed to businesses, churches, and academic communities in the United States.

A small number of Koreans immigrated to the United States in the early years of the twentieth century to work on Hawaiian sugar plantations. The difficult working conditions on the plantations motivated some Korean Americans to move to the mainland where many continued in agricultural work.

1882: The Treaty of Amity and Commerce (Article VI) freely permitted Koreans to enter the United States. Korea is the last nation in Northeast Asia to open her doors to the United States by signing this agreement.

1903-1905: The first wave of immigration began as 101 Korean immigrants (55 men, 21 women, and 25 children) arrived in Honolulu , Hawaii , on the U.S. merchant ship, the S.S. Gaelic. They came to the United States seeking escape from the political and economic turmoil brought on by a continuing power struggle with Japan . By 1905, a total of 7,226 Korean immigrants reached Hawaii. The majority of these early settlers, common unskilled laborers, settled and worked on the Hawaiian sugar plantations.

1907: President Roosevelt restricted Korean migration to the United States mainland.

1948: President Truman repealed Roosevelt ’s original proclamation.

1951-1964: The second wave of immigration occurred. This post-Korean War immigrant group was made up of mostly Korean wives of American servicemen, war orphans, and professional workers.

1952: The Immigration and Naturalization Act allowed for an annual quota of 100 Korean immigrants per year to the United States .

1965: The Immigration Reform Act repealed the national-origin quota system. Mass immigration from third world countries was not permitted.

1969-1987: The third wave of immigration occurred as a large number of Koreans settled in areas of California and New York. The majority of these new immigrants from Asia were young females. However, as the Korean economy began to stabilize and even prosper, more Koreans chose to stay in their native country.

Today, a little over one million Korean-Americans live throughout the United States, representing one of the largest Asian-American populations in the country. The largest concentration of Korean-Americans is found in the five-county area of Los Angeles, which includes Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino, Riverside and Ventura counties. About one quarter of all the Korean-Americans living in the United States reside in this region. The next largest area of concentration is the New York region, including New York City, northern New Jersey and the Connecticut-Long Island area. This area constitutes about 16% of the entire Korean-American population in the United States.

Vietnamese Immigrants History: Fall of Saigon/Boat People
The history of Vietnamese immigration to the United States is relatively recent. On April 30, 1975, “the fall of Saigon” ended the Vietnam War and prompted the first of two waves of emigration from Vietnam to the United States. Vietnamese who had worked closely with Americans during the Vietnam War feared reprisals by the Communist party. 125,000 Vietnamese citizens departed their native country during the Spring of 1975. They were airlifted or fled Vietnam on U.S. military cargo ships and transferred to United States government bases in Guam, Thailand, Wake Island, Hawaii and the Philippines, as part of “Operation New Life.” Subsequently, they were transferred to four refugee centers throughout the United States: Camp Pendleton in California, Fort Chaffee in Arkansas, Eglin Air Force Base in Florida, and Fort Indiantown Gap in Pennsylvania. Initially, Vietnamese immigrants were unwelcomed by the general American populous.

In 1977, a second wave of Vietnamese refugees began fleeing Vietnam. This wave of emigration lasted until the mid 1980s. The second wave began as a result of the new Communist government’s implementation of economic, political and agricultural policies based on Communist ideology. These policies included “reeducation” and torture of former South Vietnamese military personnel and those presumed friendly to the South Vietnamese cause, the closing of businesses owned by ethnic Chinese Vietnamese, the seizing of farmland and redistributing it, and the mass forced relocation of citizens from urban to rural areas that were previously uncultivated or ruined during the war. During this time approximately two million Vietnamese fled Vietnam in small, overcrowded boats. This group of refugees would come to be known as the “boat people.” Most of the “boat people” fled to asylum camps in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines or Hong Kong and awaited acceptance by foreign countries.

Stories
Dat Tan Nguyen was born on September 25, 1975 in Fort Chaffee, Arkansas is the first Vietnamese American to play in the National Football League. He played for the Dallas Cowboys and is currently their assistant linebackers and defensive quality control coach. His family immigrated from Vietnam after the collapse of South Vietnam and he was born in one of the refugee centers shortly after the fall of Vietnam. He lived most of his childhood in the Gulf Coast town of Rockport, Texas. Dat Nguyen battled the perception that he was too small to play linebacker for as long as he was involved in the game, despite his muscular 5'11", 238 pound frame. As a college freshman, he was known as "Fat" Nguyen, but added muscle and became an NFL prospect. Proving critics wrong at an early stage, he proceeded to leave Texas A&M University as the Aggies' career record holder with 51 consecutive starts, 517 career tackles and a 10.7 tackles-per-game average. His 517 career tackles is currently an Aggie record.

Kristine Tsuya "Kristi" Yamaguchi- Hedican is an American figure skater and the 1992 Olympic Champion in women's singles. Yamaguchi also won two World Figure Skating Championships in 1991 and 1992 and a U.S. Figure Skating Championships in 1992. She won one junior world title in 1988 and two national titles in 1989 and 1990 as a pairs skater with Rudy Galindo. In December 2005, she was inducted into the U.S. Olympic Hall of Fame. Yamaguchi was a local commentator on figure skating for San Francisco-area TV station KNTV (NBC 11) during the 2006 Winter Olympics. Kristi Yamaguchi was born on July 12, 1971 in Hayward, California, to Jim Yamaguchi, a dentist, and Carole Doi, a medical secretary, who is of Japanese and Filipino descent. Kristi is Yonsei. Her paternal grandparents and maternal great-grandparents immigrated to the United States from Japan. Kristi's grandparents were sent to an internment camp during World War II, where her mother was born. Kristi and her siblings, Brett and Lori, grew up in Fremont, California, where Kristi attended Mission San Jose High School her freshman year and transferred to Willow Glen High School in San Jose, California, where she graduated. Yamaguchi began skating as a child, as physical therapy for her club feet.

Dreams

While growing up in the Twin Cities, Hmong-American activist Yia Yang heard mixed messages about his educational prospects. "My parents always emphasized that higher education was everything," said Yang, 23, who arrived in this country as a toddler. "But in high school no one ever talked about college to me. High school counselors for the most part don't know who you are, don't think you can do it." Yang became a U.S. citizen in grade school and now works to help those Mariano Espinoza calls "Generation 1 1/2," young people who were brought here by their parents as babies and never gained citizenship. Yang and Espinoza are part of the Minnesota Immigrant Freedom Network (MIFN), Espinoza as executive director and Yang as a former youth "coach." The nonprofit advocacy group's mission includes improving educational opportunities for immigrant youths, changing the language used in the news media to describe immigrants and lobbying for reform at the state Legislature. The Minnesota Dream Act, which would provide resident tuition rates at state colleges for all high school students regardless of their parents' immigration status, is among MIFN's biggest goals. The act has foundered in the Legislature under a veto threat by Gov. Pawlenty, although in 2007 he signed a similar bill that provided tuition breaks at technical and community colleges. "There are so many people who have lived here for 20 years and are not citizens," Espinoza said. "They're in the middle, not from here and not from there. A lot of them don't go to college because of the cost." [1]

[1] http://www.startribune.com/lifestyle/style/26844264.html
Vietnamese Immigration
Japanese Immigration
Korean Immigration
Chinese Immigration

Feminism
Lydia Adi, Sabrina Lee

Description

Feminism is defined as “the doctrine advocating social, political, and all other rights of women equal to those of men.” Asian American women from charismatic churches have had to struggle with discrimination due to both race and gender, a double blow.

Throughout history, the Asian American woman has often been portrayed as submissive, quiet and beautiful. Christine Heller de Leon described her as being “petite and subservient.” Following the War Brides Act of 1945, “thousands of Chinese, Japanese, and Filipina wives accompanied their [American] military husbands to the United States.” De Leon noted that the “Asian war bride was seen as nonaggressive, compliant and sexually available, easily domesticated for American life.”

Media supported and promoted this view. Jessica Hagedorn points out that the Asian woman’s “intelligence is underestimated, [her] humanity overlooked, and [her] diverse cultures treated as interchangeable.” For example, movies portraying a Vietnamese character may be played by a Thai or Chinese actor. She is either portrayed as “cruel and cunning or quiet and submissive.” The cunning would use their “charm and beauty to seduce unsuspecting men.” The submissive were like the war brides, eager to serve and please, often being called “China doll” or “Geisha.”

Nikki Toyama discussed that “misogyny runs deep in Asia,” even among the woman’s own people. In China, where there is a law enforced for families to have only one child, married couples desired male babies so that the family name would continue on. A daughter would be a disgrace. In Japan, “college-educated girls are openly discriminated against in the workplace–they are passed over for promotions because it is assumed they will leave the workplace once they marry.” Toyama also notes that “Taiwan has the highest per capita prostitution rate, while Japan syndicates kidnapping and trafficking women all over Asia,” as well as Thailand and Cambodia.

Both in Asia and in America, the Asian American woman still struggles with finding her success and worth. There are many families that put high expectations in “being married by a certain age or to marry into a certain ethnicity or social class.”

By the 1960s, predominately middle-class Asian American women began to respond “to oppression in both their ethnic and mainstream societies—as individuals, in small informal groups, or as members of large structured organizations.” These women worked on community projects, held seminars and created publications, sharing their ideas and experiences with others. The Los Angeles Asian Women’s Center provided a drug-abuse program. In 1984, the New York Asian Women’s Center began a hotline consisting of “multilingual hotline counseling for battered women, advocacy, and a network of safe homes.” Other organizations include “Asian Women United-San Francisco (AWU-SF), the Organization of Asian American Women (OAW), and the Organization of Pan Asian American Women, Inc, (Pan Asia),” each organization addressing different issues faced daily by the women they represent.

Even within the community of the church, the Asian American woman is also stereotyped, only being able to do “certain things—be quiet and support other people’s work behind the scenes.” These women are viewed as incapable of becoming “supervisors, leaders or people of significant influence.” One Korean woman described being in the Korean American church, that women like the pastor’s wife “are to be the quiet sidekicks of their husbands.”

Author Tracey Gee explains that one of the biggest “controversies in today’s evangelical church concerns women in leadership” and that there is a lot of tension and theological debate within this subject.

Stories
"When I was a little girl, everyone always told me that I could be whatever I wanted when I grew up. A doctor, a writer, a lawyer... but the only thing I wanted to be was white. Growing up, I never saw Asian people who had prestigious careers...This convinced me that, in order to become what I wanted, I had to be white" (Baek, 155)

"My mother tells my father that I've been diagnosed with depression. My father tells me this is okay. That maybe God in all His holiness let this happen so that I could help others....He tells me to pray. Pray, Alice. Pray. Ask him to help you and make you better. Pray.... And then he points to my waist and tells me it's too thick. He says that I should lose some weight....
...
Worthless. Undeserving. Don't try hard enough. What kind of man would want you? Your husband would fire you. Failure. Look at Paul Chen's daughter. Look at yourself. What are are you going to do with your life. Lazy. Expletive. Nothing. Take a good look at yourself, he [father] says, you're so unmotivated - why can't you just cheer up, I told you to cheer up. You're not "sad", you're just lazy...
....
No one know what goes on behind closed doors. They will say to me, you have such a great haircut, I want one just like yours, and they will say to me, where do you get your clothes, you're so stylish, and guys will stare at me and approach me and try to hit on me. But wherever I am, I am conscious of the fact that Asian girls are supposed to be thin and small-boned. And I am conscious of the ring of fat that encircles my waist. And Asian girls are supposed to wear only a size 1 or size 2....All the Asian girls with those padded push-up bras and their little flat butts complain loudly to each other, "I'm so fat," including my cousins, who are all skinny....
...
My body stings and I wonder how much I will be able to get out this time. When I am done, I will rinse the floor and wash my body with Dove-so-pure-it-floats, and there will be no evidence. Tomorrow I won't eat breakfast - just half a cup of coffee - and I'll eat half my lunch. Tomorrow I will go to school and I will sit in my jeans, so tight they hurt....Tomorrow I will pretend that nothing is wrong an that everything is fine and no one will suspect. No one. No, because I am not a walking skeleton, and I'm not white, and because I'm the president of our Asian American club, and I'm Asian American feminist, and because I am so strong" (Chung, 146-148)

Dreams
"Asian people in general I think were considered to be more quiet, less articulate, and not as prone to entering fields that require a lot of communication. We'd pick fields like medicine or science because they're analytical and require less personal interaction. Now though, I think you're finding that in terms of media, Asian women are becoming known for being assertive and outgoing. Many of us now choosing this field and so in a lot of ways I think that image is changing" (Park/Nam, 247).

"So my big thrust when I go on interviews with the Korean media is to say, "You must - when you see that your chilren are interested in the arts - push them toward that, encourage them, inspire them because it is through the arts that our voices will be heard" (Lee/Nam, 268).

"Good girls don't talk back, and they never yell. People tell me this all the time when I was growing up, but there were definitely some mixed messages, because I also heard the opposite. If you don't speak up for yourself, nobody will. In American, we have the freedom to shout. You have a mouth, so use it.
...
My parents said that the older generation felt like their voice didn't have credibility "outside," and what they had to say would never sound persuasive enough. It wasn't a lack of compassion or cultural understanding that compelled me to challenge my parents on this issue. i just wished that they could experience the powerful, liberating rush and the gratification that come along with speaking out and engaging in activism. It pained me that they always heard their words filtered through mine. They only felt the joy secondhand" (Nam, 237-239).

Baek, N. J. Y. (2001). Chalk marks. In V. Nam (Ed.), Yell-Oh girls! (pp. 155-159). New York, NY: HarperCollins Books.
Chung, A. (2001). Anorexic. In V. Nam (Ed.), Yell-Oh girls! (pp. 146-148). New York, NY: HarperCollins Books.
Fong, Timothy P. and Shinigawa, Larry. Asian Americans: Experiences and Perspectives (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2000)
Fong, Timothy P., The Contemporary Asian American Experience (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson, 2002).
Lee, H. (2001). In V. Nam (Ed.), Yell-Oh girls! (pp. 268). New York, NY: HarperCollins Books.
Nam (Ed.), Yell-Oh girls! (pp. 237-239). New York, NY: HarperCollins Books.Wei, William, The Asian American Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993), 72.
Park, J. (2001). In V. Nam (Ed.), Yell-Oh girls! (pp. 247). New York, NY: HarperCollins Books.
Toyama, Nikki A. and Gee, Tracey (Ed). et al. More than Serving Tea: Asian American Women on Expectations, Relationships, Leadership and Faith. (Downer’s Grove, IL: Intervarsity Press, 2006),Nam, V. (2001). In V.
http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/feminismhttp://www.nicholsoncartoons.com.au/cartoons/new/1995-09-02%20Great%20Wall%20of%20Feminism%203rd%20world%20750.JPG

Production and Consumption
Elliot Chung, Ben Cowan

Description
Production and consumption in the post-colonial context refers to the ability of an ethnic group to create representations of their culture in way that endures and perpetuates the control of the dominate, neo-colonial narrative. The dominant power exercises these narratives by “selecting, licensing, publishing and distributing the texts of the post-colonial world” (Ashcroft, 397). But even beyond the production of the post-colonial narratives, there are “the ways in which the ex-colonies are available both as suitable markets for cultural products and as the source for exotic products for sale on the home market” (Ashcroft, 398). In others words, not only are the neo-colonial narratives are in supply but such narratives are also in demand.

In the context of America this has been a difficult thing for Asian Americans, to the dominate forces of white culture and it is often portrayed anti-thesis black culture as to two main cultures in America. Lost because battle between white and black culture have been the stories, histories, and literature of other ethnic groups that have been asked to assimilate to either white or black culture. When dealing with Asian American production, Yuan Shu rightly describes what most Americans think of production of Asian American culture "… they have certainly consumed Asian products in one way or another, which may mean that they have tasted Chinese, Japanese, and Thai food in their local restaurants, watched Hollywood and Hong Kong Kung Fu movies, and played Nintendo and Sega video and computer games featuring Asian themes and characters. By the time they take an Asian American literature course, they not only expect to have more consumption of Asian products, but they are also interested in investigating some cultural concepts underlying the Asian products. Such a conception or misconception of Asian American culture might be easily dismissed on the ground that the students conflate Asian and Asian American cultures or simply fall victim to the commercialization of minority literature in American culture and society..."

Stories

History of Production

The first work of Asian American literature is Lee Yan Phou's When I Was a Boy in China,1887, was a memoir reflecting upon Phou's childhood school days in China. Although Asian Americans produced numerous literary works many would remained obscured ( and did were unpublished. An example of these lost works includes Yokohama, California (1949) by Toshio Mori, which told the stories of Japanese Americans in the San Francisco Bay area prior to World War II. The work that brought this and other lost treasures of Asian American literature to the light of the general American public was Aiiieeeee! An Anthology of Asian American Writers, (collective work of Frank Chin Jeff Chan, Lawson Inada and Shawn Wong) published in 1974. By going to used book stories the editors and contributes of this anthology were able to find books lost to the public and out of print and gain new material from older writers who were unable to publish their manuscripts. Although Aiiieeeee !has been criticized for the editors' contentious remarks and their narrow definition of Asian American literature; nevertheless, it is universally recognized that the anthology and its introductions were instrumental in sparking the Asian American literary movement. Frank Chin would become the leading authority on Asian American literature and inspiration to many Asian American writers. This brought to the attention of the academy, universities and literacy critics the depth and breadth of Asian American writings. In 1976, Maxine Hong Kingston's The Woman Warrior won the prestigious National Book Critics Circle Award for non-fiction. "The Modern Language Association reports that it is the most commonly taught text in modern university education, used in disciplines that include American literature, anthropology, Asian studies, composition, education, psychology, sociology, and women's studies." Asian Literature would not come to the attention of mainstream America until the publication of Amy Tan's The Joy Luck Club. The book tells the story of "story of eight Chinese women. Four are mothers who each had different hardships, that forced them to leave China. Four are the daughters who each face their own struggles in their everyday living…" The book went on win many awards Ivy 1989 Awards: American Library Association Notable Books 1990 and the American Library Association Best Book for Young Adults 1990. In 1993 it was made into a successful Hollywood film which put Asian American literature in the forefront of the public eye.Today, there have been an enormous amount of production of Asian literature with equal amount critically assessment by Asian American of the literature. The leading authors in this field includes: Maxine Hong Kingston,Frank Chin, Theresa Cha, David Henry Hwang, Amy Tan, Carlos Bulosan, Jade Snow Wong, Hisaye Yamamoto, and Joy Kogawa.

Recent Trend in Consumption
Beyond field of literature, Asian Americans have found a growing momentum in media and popular culture affecting both production and consumption. As of 2006, Asian American consumers were accountable for an excess of $40 billion in total buying power in the United States. In comparison to other minority groups, the median household income among Asian Americans were 15% higher than non-Hispanic Whites, 56% higher than Hispanics and nearly double that of Black households, making Asian Americans the most flourishing consumer group of any racial demographic. It was reported about half of Asian American consumption were families and children and the other half were young adults ages 18 to 29.

Dreams
The future and hope of production and consumption has been conceived by the Asian American Writers’ Workshop. The founding purpose is to be "a national not-for-profit arts organization devoted to the creating, publishing, developing and disseminating of creative writing by Asian Americans." Juliana Chang essay on various Asian American literature articulates the dreams and hope of Asian American literature, to address a grave wrong in American culture:"… I believe, inpopular notions of the Asian American identity conflictThe culturalist notion of Asian Americans struggling with an identity that is split between Asian and American cultures masks the injustice that Asian Americans are racially marked as nonbelonging to America; because they are seen as Asian, they are not seen as fully American. It is up to Asian Americanist critics to interpret the trope of the Asian American identity conflict as a symptom of the contradictions and injustices of race and the US nation." The dream is to allow Asian Americans to be Americans with all the freedom, liberty and creativity that comes with belonging to America.

Asian American Writers' Workshop 2006. http://www.aaww.org
Chang, Juliana "Interpreting Asian American Identify and Subjectivity." Modern Fiction Studies 53 (Winter 2007)
Deconinck, Isabelle. "Celebrating Asian American Literature." World Literature Today (May/June 2007)
Partridge, Jeffrey F. L. "Aiiieeeee! and the Asian American Literary Movement: A Conversation with Shawn Wong." Melus 29 (Fall/Winter:2004)
Shu, Yuan. "Teaching and Theorizing Asian American Literature." College Literature 32.1 (Winter 2005)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Woman_Warrior.

Globalization, Environment, and Religion
Kevin Gruver

Description: Globalization
Globalization can be seen as progress for the whole world to gain knowledge with one another and to develop together. Globalization also has traces of post-colonialism as many marginal culture are dissolved into the global culture. Most of the control or globalization comes from the imperial western nations. Many local communities react to globalization as the colonized nations reacted to the colonizers. Globalization is a continuation of colonization of the third world by the first and second worlds. Global Capitalism has transformed the world into a tighter bubble, which has weaken boarders of nations and replicated societies in other cultures. Globalization process is making the cultures of the world more homogeneous. People have the freedom to choose their culture and through globalization people are choosing different identities from other cultures, mostly dominant cultures. People find this empowering to shape their cultures but people are choosing and forming a homogeneous culture. The globalization culture can either be thought of Americanization or global progress.

Variables that have changed as a result of globalization:

Ethnoscape of the world is changing, which propels globalization. People are constantly moving for different reasons taking their cultures and combining with the new cultures. Cultures are constantly changing as people move and encounter different thoughts from new cultures. Globalization is constantly spreading as people move into different areas and learn new cultures.

Technoscape Technology has taken over so much of the world, which has affected most cultures. Information can be sent across the world in seconds and people can learn about other cultures at home. Different cultures work together to form technologies, but most technologies are built by the cheap third world and used by the first world.

Financscope which includes the global economy. The production of technology and business has made the economy more global. Today the world is connected so much by the economy that when one part is hurting the whole system hurts.
The three are interconnected and form a complex global political economy.

Mediascape The media can be found everywhere in the world. Companies mass produce the same advertisements all around the world. The media can invade your home electronically and physically by magazines or articles. Everyone knows the big celebrities because the media makes them famous. This is where ideology comes in.

Ideoscape The ideology is how the people are taught and told to react to the media invasion. The example that the author uses is democracy is an ideology that is shaping the world. The ideas that shaped the western mind of freedom from the Enlightenment period, can be found stretching across the world. Democracy has been found as a cure for the world’s problems. But what if the people have a different idea of freedom and democracy is not culturally sensitive.

Globalization seems to have the answer to all the problems that the world faces. Yet it makes more problems by not being sensitive to cultures. Globalization is about making the world homogeneous but the world is full of variety. The creativity of the world could be lost to globalization. Everything is mechanically formed and all people are taught to think the same culturally. The world would miss a lot.

Globalization will make it easier for an Asian family to communicate and travel back to the original country. Family can stay connected across the ocean. The world is getting smaller through communication and travel. The economy is also globalized so business and money can travel around the world in minutes. A person working for a corporation in Asia can be transferred or find a job at the same business in America. Many people come to America looking for a better life or a better job. The American dream is for a better life and future for the family. Globalization allows this dream while staying connected to the original country.

Description: Environment
Many Asian Americans care very much for the environment. Asians have a heritage of feeling very connected to their environment. The Japanese have a feeling that everything is connected. “Matsumura contends that four attitudes characterize the Japanese orientation towards nature: The Japanese believe that nature should be understood sensationally; The Japanese identify themselves with nature; The Japanese believe that nature should be understood holistically; The Japanese are optimistic about nature” (Nishida). Asian heritage believes in a harmony with everything in nature, everything is connected. People are part of nature and are to care for the environment. If the environment is hurt than humans will hurt also. This ethic is probably carried over to the thoughts of many Asian Americans. Now the world is starting to care for the environment more with recycling and reusing. Nations are trying to decrease pollution. Asian Americans have had this ethic of nature for generations and now society of America is reinforcing it.

Asian Americans often create an environment that is similar to their original country. Some examples are China town and Little Tokyo in Los Angeles. These ethnic centers help to keep the community strong and allows people to identify themselves with their original culture. “These communities emerge for purposes of social economic support, as well as a sense of identity.” (Fong, 86). These centers were formed by the immigrants as they came to the United States. The immigrants were not fully accepted in the new land. They clustered together in parts of the city. They bought pieces of property in a city and then rentivated the area to feel like the original country. These areas of cities have ethnic foods, languages and general customs of the Asian American group.

Description: Religion

Confucianism is a morale way to live in a society. Confucianism comes from ancient Chinese traditions and spread throughout Asia. It is not a religion but a way of thinking that may form a person’s whole life. The teachings did not start with Confucian himself, but he was one that solidified and past on traditions. It has very high honor for the elders and those in position of power. Confucianism spread throughout Asia and became very common way of living.

Confucianism is an ethic about the way to live. It’s main principle is honor of those in power and seeking to live a moral life in front of others. The other aspect is still practiced and many Confucian cultures. It is when the eldest son conducts a ceremony to worship his ancestors. The missionary Le Comte “believed that the Chinese once had been in possession of ‘the original truths revealed by God to the first human being.” He saw parallels between the doctrines of Christianity and Confucianism. One man named Joseph- Henri de Premare wrote a book explaining the similarities of the two religions.

The first similarity would be the trinity as one. He saw traces of the trinity in Confucian doctrine. He did not want to say that they were worshiping the same god. Premare points out the similarities to use what the Chinese knew to explain Christianity. The next big similarity is in the waiting for a Messiah. Premare decides that in the Confucian beliefs they are waiting on a holy man. These are similarities that might be seen as Confucian influences on Christianity. These similarities also made it easier for the Chinese to accept Christ because missionaries could show Jesus as a fulfillment of Confucian prophecy.

Buddhism is one of the oldest eastern religions in the world. The Buddha was named Sakya, and was prince of a kingdom in India. He was very intelligent growing up and studied grammar, arts, logic, theology, and medicine by the age of seven. His father, King Chingfan, crowned him prince at the age of 15 and gave Sakya every riches he could desire. Yet Sayak had a very philosophical side and he wondered about life.

His life was lived in the castle but he wanted to travel and experience the world. The first lesson that he learned was that one cannot escape birth, age, sickness, and death. Sakya walked about the castle and saw “an old man at the east gate, a sick person at the south gate, and a funeral procession at the west gate.” He learned about life from these three events.

Finally after leaving the castle, Sakya traveled and learned from many ascetics the principles held about life at the time. He did not find the answers that satisfied his curiosity. He then went into the mountains where he spent six years until he reached a spiritual awakening that is called Nirvana. Sakya then became the Buddha and, “felt that the ecstasy he was experiencing after the achievement of the highest degree of enlightenment was too precious to be enjoyed by himself alone.”

He had no intention of forming a religion, but his following was so large at his death, that his disciples decided to pursue nirvana also. The Buddha taught, “spiritual awakening comes only from self devotion.” His followers spread his teachings throughout all of Asia. Buddhism arrived in Korea during the Kokuryo Dynasty, imported from China. The Korean king embraced the teachings of the monks sent from China and built many temples for the Buddhist religion. Buddhism has spread all over the Eastern hemisphere and has always, “adapted to the culture and existing religious practices of the people.

Shamanism has been another popular religion. Shamanism is led by the Shaman which is a spiritual guide for healing, telling stories of tradition, fortune telling, and contacting spirits. Shamanism is a different religious thought from Western culture and thought. It has become indigenous to Korea and has had influence on Japanese Shintoism.

Shamanism teaches that there is no god but that everything was created by one who just guides history. Humans are to be part of nature. “In the view of Korean shamanism, human beings come into the world as integral parts of the rhythm of nature.” Humans enter the world when they are born and do not leave the world after death, but become spirits who are part of this world. The purpose of man in the world is to find his place in nature. Man neither fears being destroyed by nature or seeks to rule it. People should try to find their place with in nature and be at peace with his environment. “Every form of life, including human life, will be sustained if it manages to adapt its lifestyle to the rhythm and balance of nature.”

Shamanism is a very peaceful religion and tries to avoid any conflicts. It will conform to any part of society. The idea of isolation or loneliness is a great fear of the shamanistic mind. They do not want there to be any division between the individual and the community. The Shamanist will avoid being alone in thought by conforming to the community.

While western thought says for one express himself and different ideas in a civilized manner, “Shamanistic ethics are designed to prevent or eliminate disagreements and conflicts.” The result of this is the need for an authoritative guide. If the shaman mind does not have a guide, there will be nothing to conform to. Shamanism has never been a religion among the elite of Korea as Confucianism and Buddhism.

Its has similar beliefs of Confucianism and Buddhism, and has become ingrained in Korean society. “In this way much of the shamanistic world view has influenced Korean culture out of all proportion to the political import of Shamanism.” As in Confucianism, shamanism stresses importance on family, loyalty, respect, caring for the environment, and pacifism. ”There can be little doubt that the strength of Confucianism in Korean social and cultural life owes much to its basic congruity with indigenous Korean shamanism.” There are more disagreements between Buddhism and Shamanism than similarities. The Buddhist is trying to reach enlightenment and transcend through nature. Shamanism is trying to live in rhythm with nature. The Buddhist is very individualistic, while the Shamanistic mind is very family oriented. “No decent shamanistic individual would think of attaining enlightenment if it meant that he would have to leave his relatives and enjoy it selfishly."

Stories

Globalization
Globalization has affected much of the Asian American culture. The second generation are caught between cultures because of globalization and a multi-cultural atmosphere. The praise music sung at Asian American Churches have been affected by globalization, for example: Hill Song. Hill Song produces great worship music and has been accepted by many different cultures. The music is globalized and sung in many different languages around the world. When the praise music is globalized, most churches sound the same and many cultural musical sounds are lost.

Environment
Established in 2004 by a group of Asian American environmentalists in Southern California, the Asian American Environmental Partnership is a non-profit organization dedicated to increase awareness and understanding of environmental issues in the Asian American community by building partnership and inspiring diversity in leadership. [1]

Vision
Develop relationships between the environmental community and the Asian American community. Assist governmental agencies to outreach to the Asian American community on environmental issues. Foster collaboration on environmental research and education among nonprofit organizations, academic institutions and the Asian American community. Provide support and training for Asian American leadership on environmental issues.

Religion
There are many different views of the Asian American Church. The first generation of Asian Americans find the church very familiar because of the original culture. Many second generation Asian Americans do not find the church very comfortable and will leave after high school. This is called the 'silent exodus.' "The children and youth from those churches will grow up with American culture and feel that their parents churches are irrelevant. Therefore most will have already rejected Christianity by the time they reach college, or soon after college depend on whether or not they were integrated into a college fellowship. The problem is that immigrant churches are not culturally sensitive enough to allow an “english ministry” to exist that has the resources, programs, and autonomy to be fully culturally relevant to the next generation." [2]

Dreams

Globalization
The future of Asian American in the world seems to becoming more complex with each generation. "Asian American parents fear for most of their children, common responses include: the loss of ethinic culture and language; poor self-concept and identity development." [3] As many other minorities in America, Asian culture becomes a hybrid culture and is absorbed into the main cultures. Globalization in the world will dilute the Asian culture as Asian Americans live within other cultures. The future is hopeful because the hard work ethic of Asian culture will help the Asian American succeed in a multicultural world.

Environment
The world has become aware of the environment and the affects that humans have had on it. Asian culture has always been aware of the connection of humans with the environment. As America tries to become better caretakers of the environment, Asian Americans can voice the ethics into the conversation. The neighborhoods in which Asian Americans live has often been very polluted. Asian Americans can work to clean up their community as the world works to become more environmentally friendly.

Religion
Asia has a history of many different religions. These religions have influenced the Asian American view of Christianity. Asian Americans have lived within a multi religious culture, that allows them to understand many religions. "Few theologians are better suited to help North American theologians ponder the theological future than Asian American theologians. As P. notes, Asian theologians have already lived for centuries in pluralistic settings and are now finding creative ways to balance philosophy and theology, ritual and social justice in novel ways based on the heritage of Asian philosophy and theology transformed into a North American key."

[1] Asian American Environmental Partnership. Asian Americans' Guide to Environmental Protection in Southern California. 2005. http://www.aaepus.org/about.htm
[2] The Random Platypus Blog. Silent Exodus. October 24, 2005. http://www.randplaty.com/2005/10/24/silent-exodus/
[3] http://family.jrank.org/pages/107/Asian-American-Families-Future-Asian-American-Families.html

Buswell, Robert E. Religions of Korea in Practice. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007.
Buswell, Robert E., and Timothy S. Lee. Christianity in Korea. Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2006.
Chung, David. Syncretism The Religious Context of Christian Beginnings in Korea. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001.
Clark, Allen D. History of the Korean Church. New York: Friendship Press, 1961.
Fong, Timothy P. and Shinagawa, Larry H. Asian Americans: Experiences and Perspectives. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 2000).
Gudykunst, Communication in Personal Relationships in Japan. Thousand Oaks: Sage Communications, 1996.
Guisso, Richard, and Chai-shin Yu. Shamanism: The Spirit World of Korea. Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1988.
Jang, Nam Hyuck. Shamanism in Korean Christianity. Seoul: Jimoondang International, 2004.
Kim, Duk-Whang, Ph.D. A History of Religions in Korea. Korea: Daeji Moonhwa, 1963.
Lee, Sang Taek. Religion and Social Formation in Korea. New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996.
Lui, Shu-hsien. Understanding Confucian Philosophy Classical and Sung-Ming. London: Greenwood Press, 1998.
Ma, Wonsuk, and Julie C. Ma. Mission, Asian Churches & God's. Mandaluyong City: OMF Literature Inc., 2003.
Min, Pil Won. Shamanism as Religion and Culture: A study on the relationship between shamanism and revival movements in Korean church growth. 2004.
Shearer, Roy E. Wildfire: Church Growth in Korea. Grand Rapids: William B Eerdmans Publishing, 1966.
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb6404/is_/ai_n29137021

Diaspora and Place
Tai Nguyen

Description
The term Diaspora (in Greek, διασπορά – "a scattering or sowing of seeds") refers any population sharing common ethnic identity who were either forced to leave or voluntarily left their settled territory, and became residents in areas often far removed from the former. It is converse to the nomadic lifestyle. Diaspora cultural development often assumes a different course to the population in the original place of settlement, and tends to vary between remotely separated communities in culture, traditions and other factors. The last vestige of cultural affiliation in a Diaspora is usually found in community resistance to language change.

Stories

Korean Diaspora
About 1,520,703 Korean currently living in the U.S

The terms dongpo or gyopo, a term used to describe those of the Korean diaspora, in Korean refers to persons of Korean ethnic descent who have lived the majority of their lives outside Korea. It can also mean simply any Korean who lives outside Korea. Large-scale emigration from Korea began as early as the mid-1860s, mainly into the Russian Far East and Northeast China; these emigrants became the ancestors of the 2 million Koreans in China and several hundred thousand ethnic Koreans in Central Asia.

Japanese Diaspora
About 1,200,000 Japanese currently living in the U.S

The Japanese diaspora, and its individual members known as nikkei, are Japanese emigrants from Japan and their descendants to other parts of the world. Emigration from Japan first happened and was recorded as early as the 12th century to the Philippines, but did not become a mass phenomenon until the Meiji Era, when Japanese began to go to North America, and later Latin America. There was also significant emigration to the territories of the Empire of Japan during the colonial period; however, most such emigrants repatriated to Japan after the end of World War II in Asia.

According to the Association of Nikkei and Japanese Abroad, there are about 2.5 million nikkei living in their adopted countries. The largest of these foreign communities are in Brazil, the United States and the Philippines. Descendants of emigrants from the Meiji Era still hold recognizable communities in those countries, forming separate ethnic groups from Japanese peoples in Japan.

Chinese Diaspora
About 3,376,031 Chinese currently living in the U.S

Chinese emigration (also known as the Chinese Diaspora) first occurred thousands of years ago, but the mass emigration that occurred from the 19th century to 1949 was mainly caused by wars and starvation in mainland China as well as political corruption. Most immigrants were illiterate or poorly educated peasants and coolies (Chinese: translated: Hard Labour), who were sent to countries such as the Americas, Australia, South Africa, Southeast Asia, Malaya and other places.

According to Lynn Pan's book Sons of the Yellow Emperor, the Chinese coolie emigration began, after slavery had been abolished throughout the British possessions. Facing a desperate shortage of manpower, European merchants were looking to replace African slaves with indentured labourers from China and India. A British Guiana planter found what he was looking for in the Chinese labourers "...their strong physique, their eagerness to make money, their history of toil from infancy..."

Large numbers of unskilled Chinese were sold as labourers, in the coolie trade, to the colonies overseas in exchange for money to feed their families; this type of trading was known as maai jyu jai by the Chinese, and their lives were extremely miserable. Some tricky labor recruiters promised good pay and good working conditions to get them signed onto three year labor contracts. It was recorded on one pepper estate, 50 coolies hired, only 2 survived in half a year. Most coolies were treated badly and many died in route to South America and South Africa because of bad conditions. Usually, they were cheated out of their wages and were unable to return to China after their contracts expired.

Vietnamese Diaspora
About 1,599,394 Vietnamese living in the U.S.

Overseas Vietnamese can be generally divided into four distinct categories that rarely interact with each other. The first category consists of people who have been living in territories outside of Vietnam prior to 1975; they usually reside in neighboring countries, such as Cambodia, Laos, and China. These people are not usually considered "Việt Kiều" by people residing in Vietnam. During French colonialism, some also migrated to France and some French-speaking areas, such as Québec. The second category, consisting of the vast majority of overseas Vietnamese, are those who escaped Vietnam after 1975 as refugees and their descendants. They usually reside in industrialized countries in North America, Western Europe, and Australia. The third category consists of Vietnamese working and studying in the Soviet bloc who opted to stay there after the Soviet collapse. This group is found mainly in Central and Eastern Europe. The last category consists of recent economic migrants who work in regional Asian countries such as Taiwan and Japan. They also include women who married men from Taiwan and South Korea through marriage agencies. These brides usually follow their husbands to live in those countries.

Stories

Jerry Yang, a Taiwanese native raised in San Jose, Calif., co-created the Yahoo! Internet navigational guide in April 1994 with David Filo and co-founded Yahoo! Inc. in April 1995. He was appointed chief executive officer of the company in June 2007. Mr. Yang, a leading force in the Internet media industry, has been instrumental in building Yahoo! into the world's most highly trafficked Web site and one of the world's most recognized brands. Since the company's founding, Mr. Yang has been a key member of the executive management team. His focus at Yahoo! over the years has included corporate strategy, Yahoo!'s technology vision, strategic business partnerships and international joint ventures, and recruiting key talent. In addition to serving on the Yahoo! Board of Directors, Mr. Yang currently serves on the board of directors of Cisco Systems, Yahoo! Japan, and Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., and is also on the Stanford University Board of Trustees. Mr. Yang holds B.S. and M.S. degrees in electrical engineering from Stanford University and is currently on a leave of absence from Stanford's electrical engineering Ph.D. program.

Eugene Huu-Chau "Gene" Trinh is the first Vietnamese-American to travel into outer space. Born September 14, 1950, in Saigon, Vietnam; was raised from the age of two in Paris, France and has lived in the United States since 1968. Currently a resident of Culver City, California. Married to the former Yvette Fabry. Recreational interests include house remodeling, music, theatre, tennis, swimming, volleyball, soccer, hiking, and photography. His parents, Mr. and Mrs. Trinh, reside in Nice, France. Her parents, Mr. and Mrs. Fabry, reside in Paris, France. Secondary education: graduated from Lycee Michelet, Paris, France with a Baccalaureate degree in 1968. Received a Bachelor of Science degree in Mechanical Engineering-Applied Physics from Columbia University in 1972; Masters of Science and of Philosophy and a Doctorate of Philosophy in Applied Physics from Yale University in 1974, 1975, and 1977 respectively.

Dreams
Being an Asian American myself and having the opportunity to work with young people, one of the hope and dreams that the first generation wants for the second generation is to keep their roots and to know their heritage. Growing up, this is something that my parents have always emphasize on. They speak Vietnamese to us, cook us Vietnamese food and stress on the importance of keeping the tradition. Another important dream is to be educated. From a land where not everyone has the opportunity to go to school to now the land of opportunity, American, the first generation's dreams for the second generation is to take advantage of these opportunities.

An article expresses the current dilemma that Asian Americans are facing today:
"Vietnamese elders often lament the loss of culture, identity, and language among the younger generations. I have heard my father sardonically describe young Vietnamese Americans’ loss of their Vietnamese roots by giving the example that, “O Viet Nam, cha me dat dau con ngoi do. Con o My thi con dat dau cha me phai ngoi do thoi” (In Viet Nam, children do what their parents tell them to, but in America it is the reverse). If indeed Vietnamese Americans are losing their cultural values—that set of ideas and beliefs that makes us distinctly Vietnamese—then how does this bode for the future? What will a fourth- or fifth-generation Vietnamese American person be like? Will she be any different from other Asian Americans in the U.S.? We know the answer is not as simple as an easy yes or no, and we certainly know that being Vietnamese American and retaining Vietnamese values depends on many factors such as immigration flows, communication with Viet Nam, and the accessibility of Vietnamese culture and language in the American mainstream." [1]

[1] http://www.nhamagazine.com/back_issue/issue_0106/feature4_p1.shtml
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_diaspora
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_diaspora
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korean_diaspora
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vietnamese_diaspora

Language, Body and Performance
Christi Kang

Description

Language
According to Ashcroft's The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, "language carries culture, and culture carries, particularly through orature and literature, the entire body of values by which we come to perceive ourselves and our place and our place in the world” (Ashcroft, 267). Many times, there has been a struggle for Asian Americans to keep their ethnic language, yet also try to succeed in the English language. In America, it was perceived that "any achievement in spoken or written English was highly rewarded; prizes, prestige, applause; the ticket to higher realms. English became of the measure of intelligence and ability in the arts, the sciences, and all the other branches of learning. English became the main determinant of a child’s progress up the ladder of formal education (Ashcroft, 265). In order to survive and to better their economic and academic place, Asian Americans needed to learn the English language. Yet in the process of being accepted in the American society through language, the abilitity to only speak English suggests a loss of culture. Many second generation Asians grow up losing the “life and vigor” that existed in their native culture (Ashcroft, 264).

However, there is a benefit for being bilingual in language proficiency. For example, foreign-born Chinese youth “can utilize various resources already available in the Chinese immigrant community,” like reading Chinese newspapers for community news and resources. They are able to “shop at Chinese music, book, and video stores, and eat at Asian cafes, places that enable them to keep up with Asian pop culture and provide them with access to Asian role models” (Lee, 155).

Some have expressed the ability to straddle on both ethnic worlds, also being able to bridge the cultures. One member from a Chinese church, Glenda, explained, “I felt like I could be a very big bridge since I am fluent in both English and Mandarin. I felt like I could be more involved in both congregations” (Alumkal, 101).

Body
Ashcroft elaborates on the body and voice “skin colour, eye shape, hair texture, body shape, language, dialect or accent) as read as indelible signs of the ‘natural’ inferiority of their possessors” (Ashcroft, 289). One of the struggles that immigrants, including Asians, have in adjusting and integrating into American society is appearing different. There are those families who have lived in the United States for many, many generations. They are disconnected from their original ethnic culture, not speaking any language but English, and yet they are still perceived as visitors or foreigners because of appearance. Sean, a young profressional, a Chinese American third generation expressed his frustration that if he were to have a child, even who spoke “only two words of Chinese, but it won’t matter. The way you look—they’re not going to accept him fully. He’s going to find racial prejudice wherever he goes” (Alumkal, 91).

Performance within Church
Within the Asian American community, performance takes many forms. These performances help give the Asian American a means of expressing himself or herself, whether through dance, acting or even through praise.

Stories
Body
Much of the reason why Asian Americans struggle in America is the inability to change the way they look. They are able to adapt to the American lifestyle in clothing, in hairstyle, in food, in hobbies and interests, yet one thing remains. They still look Asian. Because of this, many are mistaken as foreigners or tourists.

Another reason some Asian Americans struggle with being mistaken as a person of another culture. One Asian-Indian expressed her frustration that people thought she was Mexican. “I don’t like that; obviously I don’t want to be classified as something I’m not […] I just say I’m Indian. And the first thing people say is, ‘Oh you’re Indian? But you have such light hair and light skin?’ As if everyone from India is dark. They have a stereotypical idea of who’s Indian and don’t seem to recognize that I am” (Lee, 137). To many people, it is very difficult to differentiate between different Asian nationalities. Many people are often mistaken as being a part of different ethnicities.

Language
"I didn’t care to come to the church, tell you the truth. I mean, there was nothing for me to do here. I listen to sermons in Korean, which I don’t understand a thing and wait for my mom for a ride back to home. I rather wanted to stay home and do some homework or something…..But I actually look forward to coming to the church nowadays. Because Sunday is only time for us (her friends in the church) to get together. My friends and I became so close…..They understand how I feel and I understand what they are going through. Now my mom has to look for me when she is ready to leave (the church)" (Kim 2007, 60).

Performances
Praise. As noted earlier, many Asian American churches express themselves through worship, many times connected through a Western band, like the worship team from Australia’s Hillsongs Church or U.S.’s Vineyard church. It brings churches together because the music is very common to many different types of churches, since the music is also very well known.

Today, praising within the church has significance to Asian American that differs greatly from the significance it had when Asians immigrated into the United States. Interestingly, both of their structure of worship service can be seen as a performance within their cultural context. This is shown by the “praise team” within Asian American church that play a contemporary rock beat worship music and display song lyrics from Vineyard or Hillsong rather play old hymns on and on. Worship atmosphere becomes a product of praise team’s performance through ethereal sounds to serve as a backdrop for prayer and contemplation. Vice versa, in the conservative setting when the newer generation sees old generations’ worship service, they will consider the service as a performance. “I observed on a few occasions was the worship team opening the service by Bible through a series of fast-tempo songs, with the congregation breaking into applause at the conclusion of the set, seemingly blurring the line between “worship” and “performance” (Alumkal, 50).

Dance. Dance as a Cultural Expression and Identity Affirmation Since the 1970s, the need of belongings and acceptances of Filipino American youth in Los Angeles, 2nd generation Filipino developed the Filipino hip-hop culture. “They knew they didn’t fit into the white culture, so they rejected it and embraced hip-hop because hip-hop was already embraced by gang culture…..Filipino youth, not knowing anything about their own history or themselves, took to something they could identify with more. So they, embraced the whole Black, Chicano, underground hip-hop culture.” (Lee 2004, 196)

Filipino Dance - "We Filipinos show our Asian pride. This is the Filipino national dance. We mixed it up with hip hop, Bebot by Black Eyed Peas."

Performance
In the midst of these arguments about style or structure of liturgies within Asian American churches, young generations are attempting to find who they are in Christ through their cultural context. Here is an example of a Asian American Christian rap group that strongly appeals to the young generation, both Christians and Non-Christians, with their contemporary music. They are not just singing, but they really testify to their faith through the songs and testimonies during their performance.

Dreams
"Silent Exodus" is a name for the phenomenon of a generation of young people leaving the Christian community; it has been applied to the Asian American church as well. The statistics show that 70% of 2nd-generation Korean Americans will leave their Korean ethnic church after high school graduation and never come back, while 90% will leave after college graduation and about half will leave the church all together. "Asian churches in the United States are discovering that despite their spectacular growth they are simultaneously losing their children. At an alarming rate, many young believers who have grown up in these Asian congregations are now choosing to leave not only their home churches, but possibly their Christian faith as well." (Lee 1996, 40)

Regardless of language or race, inherently the second generation will want to assimilate into American culture and be taught English and encouraged to become Americans. Will this second generation want to stay in an ethnocentric church the rest of their lives? Their friends are diverse ethnically, their school is ethnically and culturally diverse. How can we engage with young people outside of the churches? How can church reach out to the young generation who are so lost culturally and socially? These kind of questions should continuously be asked within the churches rather pushes away the reality (culture, language, ethic, and race etc) that we must to face.

Here is a good example of engaging culture and churches: KAC (Korean American Christian Media).

"KAC Media is a nonprofit organization committed to spreading the message of God through online social networking and television media. As we strive to be the premiere network for 1.5, 2nd, and 3rd Generation Korean Americans, we aim to produce creative and throught-provoking content that is compelling, relevant and genuinely serves the needs of Korean Americans today. While promoting churches, organizations, businesses, and individuals, KAC Media also supports emerging Korean Americans in the arts, film, and media. It is our hope that with every story and with every effort, we bring people one step closer to God."

The hope is that organizations like KAC Media will act as bridge-makers and help people to find their true vocations and callings by developing their talent and potential in various areas of entertainment and communication such as media, art, and music.

Alumkal, Antony W. Asian American Evangelical Churches: Race, Ethnicity, and Assimilation in the Second Generation. (New York and London: Routledge, 2004).
Ashcroft, Bill, et. al., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. (New York and London: Routledge, 1995).
Kim, Jung Ha. Bridge Makers and Cross Bears: Korean -American Women and the Church. (Atlanta:Scholars Press, 1997).

Lee, Helen. August 1996. Silent Exodus: Can the East Asian church in America reverse the flight of its next generation? Christianity Today 40(9)
Lee, Jennifer, and Zhou, Min. (Ed.), Asian American Youth: Culture, Identity, and Ethnicity (New York, NY:Routledge, 2004).
http://www.kacmedia.org/index.php/2008062363/info/About-Us

Conclusion

Pastor Jon Interview

Rapidly growing Asian American churches, whether they are primarily immigrant, second generation or multi-generational, single ethnicity or multiethnic and multicultural, are making significant contributions to the larger landscape of American Christianity, but the future of Asian American churches is unknown as of yet. Unanswered question include: will Asian Americans, many of whom are second-generation children of immigrants, continue to silently leave the churches or gather and create their own? Will anyone remain in the churches of their parents who are Asian immigrants? Or will they be absorbed into larger churches that are predominantly White Anglo-American, Pan-Asian, or multicultural?

When it comes to the topic of historical and contemporary churches among Asian American Christians, most young 2nd and 3rd generation Asian American Christians will readily agree that we need to experience liberation. On the other hand, the first generation might argue that their children need to go back to their ethnic roots and heritage. This is important, however, in order to understand our identity and who God created us to be. However the most important thing is the understanding of who we are, and the understanding of our identity leads people to influence to the world. Understanding how we are created and how we function helps us to realize our true vocation and potential. God created us in certain families, born into certain cultures, and understanding certain customs for a reason. We cannot simply ignore our past but we must embrace it, looking at our culture through God’s eyes. Rather than condemning each other, we ask God to redeem and develop these aspects into God’s Kingdom plan. Then what can church offer to the people?

As long as there are immigrants, there will be immigrant churches helping people to adjust to the American culture. Is the true mission of the immigrant church to just stay as a monocultural community? These ethnic churches may need to reexamine their mission. Maybe these same people see themselves as a minority within a dominant culture, yet God sees them as missionaries or “special weapons” with a rich diversity and an experience of marginalization, able to help others in need. As for the second generation Asian Americans, we need to understand where we come from, the values and talents built into our being. For example, Asian heritage has contributed family values and honor that often Western societies seem to lack. There are parts of our upbringing and ethnic values that can be redeemed and used by the Lord. The search for identity goes beyond just finding out ethnic roots or being influenced by the different communities we get involved in. God alone gives us our identity and fulfills our calling. When we understand our true identity in Christ, we are able to move beyond ourselves and understand others and the identity God has for them. “Race and identity should be used to fulfill others, and to see the fullness of God and of creation” (Emerson,120).

Pastor Brian Interview

Emerson, Michael. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2006).

White Presbyterian

ruthskree — Sat, 13 Dec 2008 11:39:43 CST

Content
Introduction
Universality
Difference
Representation and Resistance
Nationalism
Education
Hybridity, Indigeneity
Ethnicity and Race
History, Place
Feminism
Production and Consumption
Globalization and Environment
Diasphora, Place
Language, Body and Performance
Conclusion
Resources

Content

Introduction

Universality

Difference

Representation and Resistance

Nationalism

Education

Hybridity, Indigeneity

Ethnicity and Race

History, Place

Feminism

Production and Consumption

Globalization and Environment

Diasphora, Place

Language, Body and Performance

Conclusion

Resources

Introduction

Welcome to the White Presbyterian tablet here at Church in Missions! This site will investigate post-colonial ideas in the context of the church in mission and will examine the White Presbyterian church from a variety of angles, including the post-colonial themes of liberation struggles, hybridity, fragmentation, deterritorialization, and hyphenated identities. This is a public forum intended as a source for anyone who wishes to learn more about the mentioned categories and is also open to anyone who feels they can add to this ongoing discussion. However anyone who does wish to add to the discussion we kindly ask that you keep in mind and help uphold the academic integrity of the site.

A church congregation is a community. Every community bears individual characteristics. This project looks at the general trends of the Presbyterian church nationwide, without focusing on one specific congregation to make wider generalizations. The climate of each church determines much of the Presbyterian experience for local congregation members. Emerson states that "religious congregations are a specific type of organization - a private, volunteer organization...a mediating institution between the small private worlds of individuals and families and the large public worlds, such as politics, the educational system and the economy." [1] These groups go on to have other characteristics as well. Emerson quotes what is thought to be Martin Luther King Jr. in People of the Dream saying: "Sunday morning is the most segregated hour of the week." Emerson explains this to mean "that people are most racially segregated during the time of their religious gathers - is taken as such common knowledge that people usually do not give it much thought." [2] It is noteworthy that when "the racial composition of congregations is surveyed today, little seems to have changed since the civil rights movement." [3] Emerson estimates that Protestantism is about 78% white and his predictions include protestantism having "the lowest frequency of multiracial congregations." [4] "White culture tends to separate intellect and passion, often described as separating mind and body." [5] Emerson later explains that "White worship styles and musical forms typically reflect the ascendancy of mind over body. Sermons, homilies, and other forms of presenting religious messages are expected to be cerebral...less on style and more on the evidence and the logic of the presentation." [6] Throughout his entire book, A Different Mirror, Takaki writes about how whites in America have viewed themselves as superior. They felt all the ethnic groups coming to America should adopt their cultural trends. [7] The Presbyterian church suffers from this misguided legacy, and must, along with other dominant culture groups, exercise empathy and learn grace to build God's kingdom through mission, both locally and internationally.

In this post-colonial era, which is a generation past the civil rights movement, the church stands at a place to benefit from intentional reflection on post-colonial themes. Hopefully, this investigation will benefit the church, and God's kingdom as we seek reconciliation through the peace of Jesus Christ.

This site was designed with the assumption that the reader would have some foreknowledge of colonial and post colonial themes and issues. However Colonial and post-colonial issues are broad and often expansive and in academia thus far they have taken on a number of definitions that sometimes conflict. So to both clarify our understanding and usage of the terms of colonialism and post-colonialism, and to offer a brief introduction we humbly offer the following information.

Colonialism is a method by which an Empire expands beyond its own territories [8]. The classic example of an Imperial force that expanded using a strict and refined method of colonization is the British Empire. Colonization is not a new thing, but before we get too far into that it might be wise to first answer the question; why colonize at all? The typical expansion of an empire is best illustrated by the Roman Empire. The usage of heavy military force to subjugate the people, occupy the land and conquer the territories is a very expensive but fast and sometimes efficient way to expand an empire. Constant military expansion over vast regions of land over long periods of time quickly becomes counter productive as the cost of expansion outweighs the profits. Further, military rule over an extended portion of land generates a cumbersome and unwieldy local rule. Further still is the with the empires military stretched throughout its territories leaves the empire as a whole vulnerable to a direct military attack. Expansion on a large and constant scale demands a more cost efficient way to control far off territories. One such method is to leave in the conquered territories a group of loyal citizens who will enforce the rule of the empire while creating their own self sustaining community within the region. This is broadly known as colonization. The idea as stated earlier is by no means new. The Greeks, Egyptians, Vikings, and even the bold French all had their own various forms of colonization. The Imperial nation that was to set the hallmark by which all other forms of colonization are sized up by was the British Empire. Combining military, industrial, and population expansion into a honed machine the British Empire became the largest Empire the world had ever seen. It is no small wonder that the "Age of Colonialism" ended with the fall of the British Empire shortly after WWI. Exactly when the empire "fell" and so on is all up for debate. What isn't debated (relatively) is that the end of the colonial era ushered in the age of post-colonialism.

Post-colonialism is not your average academic jargon. For starters there is no by-the-book or widely accepted definition of the term. Today the phrase is used in so many different contexts that there is now a discussion on weather or not the term still has any valid meaning [9]. All that aside post-colonialism typically refers to a point in time after colonization. In the past this discussion would have taken a context within a global or large scale government viewpoint. More modern refinements of the term have greatly narrowed it down for one important reason. Post-colonialism takes into consideration the terms and conditions the colonized people were under and is therefore retroactively defined by it. The colonial experience for people in South Africa was different from that of the people of Hawaii. Thus both Hawaiians and South Africans have a different post-colonial experience. Discussion in terms of post-colonial ideas now seem to be heading into the local forum, and is even entering in may areas the realm of the individual. Generally what is at least being attempted to be established by Ashcroft and his associates in their work The post-colonial studies reader (2006) is to define the start of post-colonization as the moment of local government Independence.

So how does any of this have anything to do with White Presbyterians? Well I am glad you asked. White Presbyterians in fact have a very interesting role in the colonization of the North American Continent. Historically they stand on both the colonized and colonizer side of the fence. The Presbyterians movement was fueled by John Calvin and in its earliest history started its founding churches in Scotland. The Scottish were later colonized by the British and as a result of religious and political persecution combined with religious idealism, they Presbyterians moved on to the America's. The migration of the Presbyterians shifted them from being a colonized religious group in Scotland to become a British colonial force within what would become the American Colonies. From here i leave you to further explore the development of White Presbyterians in a post-colonial and colonial context, and if you don't agree with something we have to say, look it up! and do share what you find.

[1] Emerson, Michael O. and Rodney M. Woo. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. Princeton University Press Princeton, NJ. 2006. 5-6.
[2] Emerson 5.
[3] Emerson 23.
[4] Emerson 38-39.
[5] Emerson 135.
[6] Emerson 136.
[7] Ronald Takaki. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. (New York: Back Bay Books/Little Brown and Co. 1993)
[8] Ashcroft, A., (eds.)(2006). The post colonial studies reader. New York: Routledge.
[9] Ashcroft, A., (eds.)(2006). The post colonial studies reader. New York: Routledge.

Universality

Definitions:

The concept of universality is that "a particular culture is true for all cultures everwhere and for all time...ignoring vast differences between cultures" (Church in Mission class notes wiki). Typically the dominant culture thinks their way is the universal way. This is reflected and seen in politics, values, beliefs, styles of worship ect. The assumption of universalism is a fundamental feature of the construction of colonial power because the 'universal' features of humanity are the characteristics of those who occupy position of political dominance" (Ashcroft, 71). Historically, the caucasian race has been considered the dominant culture.

Universality for white presbyterians could be generalized as a "western, white minded" standard. This standard is often seen as being the obvious. Michael O. Emerson estimates that Protestantism is about 78% white and his predictions include protestantism having "the lowest frequency of multiracial congregations" (38-39). Therefore it should not be a shock that 92% of the Presbyterian church membership is white. This white culture is reflected in the practice, procedure and the ordination process. Therefore, ethnic presbyterians would be at a disadvantage assimilating to culture of the church unless they were to adopt the "western, white minded" stance.

In thinking about the concept of universality, it is helpful to understand a little about Euro-Centrism. Euro-centrism should be given a little consideration, especially when trying to gain an understanding of white presbyterianism. "Congregations are the places where Americans most often go to seek the meaning of life, to worship, to find direction, and to receive social support...the number one place Americans turn to when they have serious problems" (Emerson, 7). With congregations and religious traditions being almost their own worlds and considering all of the information here collectively, it is no wonder why universalities are entertained and continue despite our world becoming increasingly diverse world.

Some universalisms that white presbyterians may believe.

Wealth and stability equals happiness
They believe in predestination
White Presbyterians were apathetic to the abolition movement because it benefited the economy

Some of the universalisms that are believed about white presbyterians by outsiders:

Well educated and wealthy
Hold to traditions of hymns and uncomfortable pews;
Fall into the same stereotypes as other Christians.
They are the televangelists and campers at Jesus camp

At the 31st Annual Racial Ethnic Seminarian Conference sponsored by Presbyterian USA in Santa Fe, New Mexico. The issues of Universality were discussed. The ordination exams and some of the polity of the church are culturally "white". Ethnic seminarians wishing to participate in this process must assimilate to white culture or at least think like a "white" person during the process.

Resources:

Books:
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, Helen Tiffin eds. The Post-colonial Studies Reader, 2nd Edition.Routledges, New York, NY. 2006.
Emerson, Michael O. and Rodney M. Woo. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. Princeton University Press Princeton, NJ. 2006.
Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. Back Bay Books/Little Brown & Company, New York, NY. 1993.

Websites:
Church in Mission wiki webpage, class notes http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29
Jesus Camp Movie website: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29
.

Difference

Overview:

To better understand some of the universalities of White Presbyterianism, differences should also be explored. While there are differences in all races, all congregations, all denominations and religions some of the differences of white presbyterians in comparison to other cultures are explored here. Michael Emerson explains some of the diversity and worship style differences in his book People of the Dream explaining that white protestants are less likely to be in a racially diverse congregation than whites of a Catholic or other tradition (87). "For whites, worship services in interracial congregations tend to last longer than do those of their counterparts in white congregations" (128).

Cultural differences are also highlighted by Emerson by using generalizations from Ronald Takaki and Thomas Kochman that "(b)oth cultures have their main ways of interacting, their unique forms of music, their own institutions, their own unique problems, and their own value systems and ways of looking at the world; people in both interact predominately with people in their own racial group" and goes on to explain that "white culture tends to separate intellect and passion, often described as separating mind and body". He later explains that "White worship styles and musical forms typically reflect the ascendancy of mind over body. Sermons, homilies, and other forms of presenting religious messages are expected to be cerebral...less on style and more on the evidence and the logic of the presentation" (135-136).

The Presbyterian church provides information on-line at pcusa.org to help provide an description of what a multi-cultural church is and how a church would go about becoming multi-cultural:

A Multicultural Church is a congregation that intentionally seeks to recognize, celebrate and incorporate a diverse membership:

in worship by using all-inclusive music, languages, arts and theological expressions,
in a creative and meaningful evangelism by providing the good news in a cup that people recognize with great respect and appreciation for their racial and cultural backgrounds,
and in leadership by intentionally and willingly sharing power and resources and advocating for justice and equal representation in sessions, church committees and executive positions.

How to Become a Multicultural church:

By preaching the good news to all
By embracing diversity
By reflecting diversity in worship
By sharing power
By hosting strangers and aliens
By breaking the barriers of race and fear

While this provides an excellent starting point, it is questionable if a person who is unaware of the nuances of differences or doesn't understand the differences in or definition of "all-inclusive music..." Would a person who has been only aware of a white perspective be able to follow through on or even begin ot effectively impliment the above suggestions without at least have a taste of euro-centrism attached?

Resources:

Books:
Emerson, Michael O. and Rodney M. Woo. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. Princeton University Press Princeton, NJ. 2006.
Websites:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29

Representation and Resistance

Description
As a post-colonialist topic, representation is the way in which a dominant culture has told the colonized country who and what they are, usually through literature and art. The dominant, colonizing culture represents others to themselves and the rest of the world. Resistance is the colonized culture declaring for themselves who they are, resisting the inaccurate representations.[1] It is their "insistance on the right to see the community's history whole, coherently, integrally."[2]

As Americans, white Presbyterians are part of one of the dominant, colonizing nations of the world.

Stories
Historically, Presbyterians came to America from England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. [3] Some of the first settlers, with the Virginia Company, were Presbyterians. [4]

As an example of a white Presbyterian acting as the colonizer, we turn to President Andrew Jackson. As the son of Scotch-Irish Presbyterian immigrants, Jackson was well known for his Indian removal plan. He claimed his actions toward the Indians was "moral and inevitable," and he "maintained a legal and moral posture" of superiority while removing more than 70,000 Native Americans from their lands.[5] He justified his actions by claiming "that efforts to civilize the Indians had failed". [6] Jackson claimed to care for the Indians as a father would, seeking their best interests while pushing them off their lands. [7] He continued to make treaties with the Indians that he had no intention of keeping. [8]

Dreams
As someone who has attended a white Presbyterian Church most of my life, these concepts of colonialism and post-colonialism in general are new to me. My hope and dream is that more white Presbyterians could learn about the effects that their ancestors had on the colonies. The atrocities committed, both purposefully and unintentionally, need to be seen for what they are. Andrew Jackson seems to have deluded himself in many ways, and I hope that white Presbyterians can learn from their history and be more open-minded toward minority groups. My dream is that they could learn to be a more inclusive society that empowers people to find their identity and proclaim it proudly, instead of being bossy and arrogant in telling people who they are.

“There was opposition to the plan of Union among Black Presbyterians because of the segregated church government provisions. Francis Grimké, a Black PCUSA pastor in Washington, D. C. , opposed the proposal because he thought it allowed the PCUSA Presbyterians to capitulate to an increasing tide of racial hatred that was prevalent in the nation.He argued that that the church had standards other than expediency.”[9]

[1] Bill Ashcroft, ed. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. (New York: Routledge 2006) 93.
[2] Edward W. Said, "Resistance, Opposition and Representation", in The Post-Colonial Studies Reader.
[3] Ronald Takaki A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Back Bay Books, Little Brown 1993) 88.
[4] Charles Agustus Briggs. American Presbyterianism. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1885) 87.
[5] Briggs 131.
[6] Takaki 87.
[7] Takaki 87.
[8] Takaki 95, 101.
[9] Coalter, Milton J, The Diversity of Discipleship, page 194

Nationalism and Education

Description

Presbyterians leaving England and Scotland for a life in the new land, saw their story in connection with the exodus in the Bible. Strongly influences by the reformed theology of God covenanting with his people, they came to believe that the States was chosen nation by God.
The English Puritans believed that if they could reshape the political and church life of the nation, God’s blessing would come upon the land instead of war and famine. But this could only happen if they built and reformed the nation to be a nation in obedience to God. Concern to achieve greater social justice for humankind has therefore been a strong part of the Presbyterian and Reformed churches, together with a strong emphasis on individual repentance to holiness.
In time the covenant aspect has been watered out, and we are left with a strong emphasis on American Exceptionalism. By the time of the civil war, the both sides claimed to be on God’s side.
The legacy of the chosen nation formed the Presbyterian immigrants together with other groups to become Americans. The doctrine of “manifest destiny” embraced a belief in American Anglo-Saxon superiority – the expansion of Jefferson’s homogeneous republic and Franklin’s America of “the lovely white” By the time of the westward expansion and the war against Mexico in the 1840s, the war was seen not as colonialism and forcing the native people to leave their homeland, but as a justified mean to the expansion of an enlightened and chosen nation. ““Just as the civilizations of antiquity declined, so too would ‘savagery’ make way for a new American civilization as it moved westwards following the course of heavenly bodies. In this sense, though a subject to be celebrated, the Indian was a ghost in the making: a notion informed by the political realities of the day.” [1]

When it came to education The Presbyterian Church in the USA assembly’s philosophy of linking church schools and congregational organizational development grew into a system for meeting the needs of an educated clergy. The system started with the establishment of both “parochial” (or day) schools and boarding schools. These provided a complete program of education that allowed individuals to acquire all of their formal education through the denominational schools. At one time, there were over 157 Presbyterian institutions for Black education sponsored by the PCUSA”
The White Presbyterian churchs emphasis on social action is seen here. They value education, and especially the teaching of the Scriptures.

Stories

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, there was a growing notion amongst Presbyterians and Christians in general that America was going downhill. The great dream of America as a Christian nation had ended up becoming the world’s first secular state. In the very core of the beliefs of the people, the republic was to be a Christian nation, and it the first amendment had not emphasized this. Many perceived Jefferson as an infidel and opposed to the idea of America as a Christian Nation. There was a general concern that America needed to be reclaimed to God, if not to be under his judgment. America was God’s elected Nation, on display as a witness to the rest of the world. This led to the Second Great Awakening with a strong emphasis on personal repentance and conversion, where the Presbyterian Minister Charles G. Finney was a central figure. This also led to the strong emphasis on transformation of the society and social justice that has been a strong part of the Presbyterian history. For America to really be the nation God had chosen it to be, it needed to be a holy nation. The nationalism amongst the white Presbyterians were closely tied with the fundamental understanding of America as a Christian Nation.

Since America was elected by God to be a light to the nations, and the first nation founded on the natural order of government, the democracy, it also had a special mission to the world. The strong national identity of choseness, created a binarism towards other countries “Given this bifurcated view of the world that frequently drove the nation's self-understanding, the U.S. often sought to transform the world -- witness the great missionary crusades at the turn of the twentieth century and the decision to enter World War I ‘to make the world safe for democracy.’” [2]
These underlying American myths continue to define and influence the nation, and is a heritage from the Puritans. After the second world war the strong anticommunist movement must be seen in light of this. “The U.S. inherited the Puritans' conviction that they had a covenant with God to create a righteous "city on a hill" that would serve as an example to the nations and lead them to embody the ideals of freedom, democracy, and civil liberties which were expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. This conviction, often designated "Manifest Destiny," tended to blur the lines between the dominant Protestant Christianity and the nation and its policies. That is, the nation wa s seen as moral and consistently altruistic in its motives and actions, and other nations were believed to manifest acquisitiveness and selfishness.”[3]

Dreams

The nationalism within the White Presbyterian Church needs to be refined.
To many people outside the church, the close connection between religion and nation is hard to take.
The myth of a Christian, altruistic nation on a special mission for God in bringing democracy and freedom to the nation, needs to be reshaped in a post-colonial view to avoid further Neo-Colonialization by America in missions and politics. The Presbyterian Church is a large an influencial source in the Christian Church in America, and our hope is that they would be on the cutting edge in what it really involves being a Christian and american at the same time, in a post-colonial time.

[1] http://cgj.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/8/2/175, Page 183
[2] http://www.history.pcusa.org/pubs/journal/2000_spring/TruthAndLiberty.html, 12.06.08
[3] http://www.history.pcusa.org/pubs/journal/2000_spring/TruthAndLiberty.html, 12.06.08

Hybridity, Indigeneity

Description
Hybridity is the mixing of the original, indigenous culture with the colonialist culture. [1] In the case of the White Presbyterian Church, this hasn’t occurred. They have often impressed their culture onto others as the dominating nation, but within the White Presbyterian Church in America, their culture has simply changed over time. This change is more of a natural evolution of cultures, not because of any culture that has been imposed on them.

Indigeneity is the identity of the indigenous peoples, including their cultural identity before they were colonized, the cultural identity that the imperialists described them as, and the response the indigenous peoples have toward their colonizers. [2]

Hybridity and indigeneity are terms that cannot be separated and help to describe the other. A colonized people cannot separate who they are from the colonizing nation, and when they try, they reinforce the notion that they are marginalized. [3]

Stories
Within the White Presbyterian Church, there is little mixing of the indigenous culture with the colonizing culture. Hybridity is nearly nonexistent, and indigeneity is essentially completely irrelevant.
Racially, Emerson describes mainline denominations, such as the Presbyterian Church, as 38% of American Protestants. Using a an index of dissimilarity to determine racial segregation (1 being total segregation, 0 being total integration), mainline denominations (.85) fall between Catholics (.81) and conservative Protestants (.91). [4]

Dreams
Again, these are concepts that are seemingly foreign within the White Presbyterian Church. The dream would be for White Presbyterians to learn more about these concepts and be aware of them as they interact with the world.

[1] Bill Ashcroft, ed. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge 2006) 137.
[2] Ashcroft 163.
[3] Ashcroft 163.
[4] Michael O. Emerson. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2006) 41.

Ethnicity and Race

Description

“The Greek word ethnikos, form which the English ‘ethnic’ and ‘ethnicity’ are derived, meant ‘gentile’, ‘heathen’. Going back to the noun ethnos, the word was used to refer not just to people in general but also to ‘others’. " In the English language this turned to be used to contrast other people negatively, and describe them as non-Christian or heathen (from ethnic sometimes spelled hethnic). “Only in the mid-nineteenth century did the more familiar meaning of ‘ethnic’ as ‘peculiar to a race or nation’ re-emerge. However, the English language has retained the pagan memory of ‘ethnic’, often secularized in the sense of ethnic as other, as nonstandard, or, in America, as not fully American, This connotation gives the opposition of ethnic and American the additional religious dimension of the contrast between heathens and chosen people.” As we are going to see, this applies to the history of the White Presbyterian regarding ethnic and racial issues.

There is a new notion brought to light in recent post-colonialism that we all are indeed ethnic. The color and category whiteness has through history not been viewed as ethnic and in a racial perspective. We seek to take a deeper analysis of what this means in the history and present for the white Presbyterian church.

Research shows that the larger the number of people in a tradition, the less diverse it is when it comes to ethnicities. The Presbyterian Church is no exception in this, being mainly white (92%). The percentage of people that are involved in multicultural congregations varies with faith tradition and ethnicity. For white protestants this number is 5%, which makes them the most segregated group.
Traditionally whites and blacks are the most segregated group, more than other ethnicities, this matches the White Presbyterian church as well. “The relationship of Black and white Presbyterians is similar to that of Black-white relationships in American society and within other Christian denominations.” It would be an understatement to describe the relationship between the White Presbyterian Church and ethnic and racial issues as merely ambivalent.

-historic development of looking at white as an ethnicity.
“Whiteness studies [is] a controversial and relatively new academic field that seeks to change how white people think about race. The field is based on a left-leaning interpretation of history by scholars who say the concept of race was created by a rich white European and American elite, and has been used to deny property, power and status to nonwhite groups for two centuries. Advocates of whiteness studies - most of whom are white liberals who hope to dismantle notions of race - believe that white Americans are so accustomed to being part of a privileged majority they do not see themselves as part of a race."
Jeff Hitchcock from the Center for the Study of White American Culture states that "White American culture holds power to control resources, set rules, and influence events...It must give up the center...Colorblindness encourages silence that continues the status quo."

White Presbyterian- from oppressed to oppressors
From coming as an oppressed minority mainly from England and Scotland the Presbyterian immigrants ended up oppressing minorities in the new land of opportunities. Themselves being a victim to colonialization, they took part in colonizing the new world. As far as race issues goes, the Presbyterian Puritans originally saw the imported slaves and the native Americans as barbarian and inferior but not as unable to civilize. It time this evolved, hand in hand with the colonialization process of what would become the United States, to a view the Native Americans , Black slaves and other immigrant groups (for instance Chinese) as less human. With the emergence on science, they found new “evidence” to back up this theory, and even finding theological reasons for keeping slaves and oppressing other groups.

Stories

The abolition for slavery and the Civil War
-white presbyterian development in the mid 19th century
During the Civil war the Presbyterian Church split over the slave issue, into the North branch, the PCUSA, and the South, the PCUS. The south eventually found itself in a new situation, having to relate to Black Christians, and they saw it to be a good solution to make the Blacks have their own Church. Cumberland Presbyterian Church had by 1874 constituted segregation, and founded the Colored Cumberland Presbyterian church.

The question of race and segregation was not only based on a theory of inferiority and that racial integrity was a sign of Gods providence. It has always been, and is today very much a question about power. Through the history, there were some voices, especially in the north, trying to speak up for a different way of being church. Generally they were swallowed up by church politics attempting to reunite the different Presbyterian branches by accepting segregated patterns of life and law that southerners had developed.
The Black churches continued to exist independently within the Presbyterian church.
Theirs existence was a witness to the abuse and inequity of power present in the human condition. During this period, Presbyterians struggled with the meaning of being Presbyterian in the midst of denominational turmoil engendered by cultural biases.

Desegre gation

White Presbyterian and the relation to a non-segregated future
The ecumenical movement in the beginning of the 20th century and its emphasis on brotherhood was part of stirring the White Presbyterian Conscience. Together with World War 2 and the Nazi theory of Aryan Supremacy it caused the White Presbyterian to reexamine their own church and their politics. Something had to change, and again the pressure came from the more liberal Presbyterians in the North.

Nelson Bell and the southern Presbyterians
L. Nelson Bell was a Presbyterian Medical Missionary in China in the beginning of the 20th Century. After returning to the States in 1941 he got involved in the issue of racial segregation within the southern Presbyterian church. As a conservative, powerful voice in the southern Presbyterian church he had a lot of influence in the 50ties and 60ties. He was Billy Graham’s father-in-law, although they had different views on the issue. Bell was a strong proponent for the continuation of a segregated society in the south, especially within the Presbyterian church. Though his magazine, the southern Presbyterian Journal he addressed the issue of segregation, and how it was consistent with a Christian Belief. Bell was also a spokesperson in debates outside the church. He appealed to people’s fear of a forceful integration to promote his view. He also still appealed to some sense of natural order for a segregated society and church, although he would not bluntly define the Black as inferior. Bell was a voice from the dominant white group wanting to maintain the status quo, keeping the power in the hands it had belonged to in the Presbyterian church for centuries.
“However,” Bell continued, “it seems unnatural and unwise to insist upon bringing those of another race into a specific congregation just because they are of a different race.” [1]
Bell voice was supported by a majority of southern Presbyterian Ministers, that still viewed racial integrity as God willed. Critics has stated that Bell’s effort postponed the reunion of the conservative southern Presbyterian Church, and the Northern Presbterian Church that was taking the other side on the racial issue.

Eventually this happened, and even the south had to accept the desegregation of society. To this day, even tough there is a few noticeable exceptions; the Presbyterian church is still heavily segregated. But the story of race relations in the Presbyterian church in the twentieth century has brought about two things: It created questions about what it means to be Presbyterian, and the ability to make Presbyterian Christianity and Blackness compatible, and it forced white Presbyterians to ask questions about the distribution of power within their denomination, and whether this was consistent with the Gospel.

Dreams

An ambivalent past coming together

The White Presbyterian Church relation to race and ethnicity has been, and is to this day ambivalent. As earlier stated, 92 percent of the Presbyterian church is white. There is, however a change going on. An increasingly amount of literature has been written on the history and how to reach a different future. There is good expceptions to the rule of a segregated church, they are not many, but the presence of them bear witness of the possibility for a different future. Through the 20th Century the Presbyterian Church has learned from its history in two ways "(a) it created questions about the ability to make Presbyterian Christianity and Blackness compatible; and (b) it increasingly forced white Presbyterians to ask questions about the distribution of power within their denominations and whether they were acting in a manner consistent with the gospel.”

[1] Hammond, Michael D: Conscience in Conflict: Neo-evangelicals and Race in the 1950s. A Thesis Submitted For The Degree Of Master Of Arts In Biblical and Theological Studies, Wheaton College Graduate School, Wheaton Illinois, October 2002 page 49

Resources:
Books:Ashcroft, Bill. The Post-Colonial Studies Reader. 2. Ed. Routledge, 2006.
Bays, Daniel H., and Grant Wacker. The Foreign Missionary Enterprise at Home: Explorations in North American Cultural History. University Alabama Press, 2003.
Bender, Norman J. Winning the West for Christ: Sheldon Jackson and Presbyterianism on the Rocky Mountain Frontier, 1869-1880. 1. Ed. Univ. of New Mexico Pr, 1996.
Emerson, Michael O. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. Princeton University Press, 2008.
Hammond, Michael D: Conscience in Conflict: Neo-evangelicals and Race in the 1950s. A Thesis Submitted For The Degree Of Master Of Arts In Biblical and Theological Studies, Wheaton College Graduate School, Wheaton Illinois, October 2002
Mulder, John M., Milton J. Coalter, and Louis B. Weeks. The Diversity of Discipleship: Presbyterians and Twentieth-Century Christian Witness. 1. Ed. Westminster John Knox Press, 1991.
Murray, Andrew E. PRESBYTERIANS AND THE NEGRO - A HISTORY. Presbyterian Historical Society, 1966.
Parker, Sara, Ph.D. & Girgis, Raafat. Living The Vision - Becoming A Multicultural Church. Evangelism and Church Witness, 1999.
Smylie, James H. Presbyterians and the American Revolution: A Documentary Account From the Journal of Presbyterian History. Presbyterian Historical Society], 1974.
Stroupe, Nibs, and Inez Fleming. While We Run This Race: Confronting the Power of Racism in a Southern Church. Orbis Books, 1995.
Sugirtharajah, R. S. Voices from the Margin: Interpreting the Bible in the Third World. 3. Ed. Orbis Books, 2006.

Websites:
The North America Presbyterian and Reformed Council Conference on Race Relations, March 24 - 25, 1977
Extracts from the Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
1964 Statement on Biblical Principles on Racial Discrimination
RACIAL RECONCILIATION
ETHNICITY AND RACE: An Introduction to the Nature of Social Group Differentiation and Inequality

History, Place

The Church Reformed and Always Reforming

What does it mean to be Presbyterian:

Presbyterians organized themselves in the 16th century in the context of the Protestant Reformation. The Presbyterian distinction within the Protestant Reformed tradition refers to the system of church government. Presbyterians makes church governmental decisions based on representative assemblies (presbyteries) in contrast to the (1) episcopal system with bishops of the (2) congregational system of decision making.

The French lawyer John Calvin (1509-1564), focused Reformed theology and set roots for Presbyterians. The Westminster Confession of Faith and Catechisms of 1647 sets out Presbyterian church government, Calvinistic theology, and forms of worship form major components of the Book of Confessions .

They fled colonizing nations as religious refugees. After persecution in Great Britain, Presbyterians were among the earliest Reformed immigrants to America. They established congregations as early as the 1630's and lived along the east coast and explored western wilderness. In 1706, eight Presbyterian ministers formed the Presbytery of Philadelphia. This governing body established the Presbyterian government in the New World. The clergy affirmed three major freedoms: (3) the freedom to organize and the right to worship, (3) the freedom to preach and teach, and (3) the freedom to administer the sacraments. Yet they perpetuated colonial ideals while interacting with natives and slaves. These faithful immigrants established patterns which have continued to influence White American Presbyterian worship and church structure.

The American church developed and identified itself through its experience and personalities. It has characteristics of educated leadership and educational, mission, and charitable institutions. William Tennent founded what would become Princeton. Rev. Jonathon Edwards was a leader from the pulpit. David Brainerd led missions to the native Americans, and women founded the "Female Charitable Society." The church also bears the examples of its first internal conflicts. A definitive turning point in the American history of Presbyterians, lies in the catalyst of the American Revolution. The Presbyterian Church broke its official European with the advent of the Revolution.

Reformed views of God's sovereignty and of human sinfulness moved the new nation toward checks and balances and separation of powers. Presbyterians were involved in drafting governmental documents, affirming the connection between faith and public service. In the 1788, the Synod met in Philadelphia to form the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (PCUSA). The church carried on revivals and organized congregations, presbyteries, and synods - emphasizing the connectional nature of the church. Presbyterians helped as well to shape voluntary societies to encourage educational, missionary, evangelical, and reforming work. Mission to Native Americans, African Americans, and populations all over the world became a hallmark of the church.

The involvement with colonialism, slavery, racism became more clear as colonialism transitioned into post-colonialism. The 19th century was characterized by disagreement and division over theology, governance, and reform - particularly slavery. The century saw the formation of additional denominations, such as the Cumberland Presbyterian Church and the United Presbyterian Church of North America. In the controversy over slavery, southern Presbyterians split from the PCUSA, forming the PCCSA in 1861.

The 19th and 20th centuries saw post-colonial trends including fragmentation within the denomination and the unity of the church. There was growth and decline of foreign mission work and controversy and division over worship and the confessions. Women's issues, civil rights and other social justice issues, and service to diverse congregations, including Korean Americans, were also significant in the life of the church. Reorganization and loss of membership also characterized this period. In a bold step forward the Church began ordaining women in this period.

The Presbyterian church in the United States has often split and reunited. The Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), which has its national offices in Louisville, KY, currently has the largest membership. It was formed in 1983 as a result of reunion between the Presbyterian Church in the U.S. (PCUS), the "southern stream," and the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. (UPCUSA), the "northern stream." The UPCUSA was formed by the merger (1958) of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. Other Presbyterian churches in the North America include: the Presbyterian Church in America, the Orthodox Presbyterian Church, the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church, and the Presbyterian Church of Canada. As of 2005, the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) had approximately 2.4 million members, 11,100 congregations, and 14,000 ordained and active ministerss (Presbyterian Historical Society).

From the introduction of Post Colonial Studies Reader : “The sacred has been an empowering feature of post-colonial experience in two ways: on one hand indigenous concepts of the sacred have been able to interpolate dominant conceptions of cultural identity; and on the other Western forms of the sacred have been appropriated and transformed as a means of local empowerment” (8). I regard the empowerment of culture and religion as a focus for this project on White Presbyterians. As we seek to identify the White American cultural identity, we must look to the mainline Protestant denominations. In this case, we are examining the post colonial dominant oppressors. How has post colonial oppressor identity changed with questions of religion and cultural identity? Personally, my feelings of “White guilt” have shaped my faith practice, as I am hyper sensitive to dominant or oppressive behavior and patterns. I seek to break chains of oppression resulting from colonization with my actions, and simultaneously apologize for past behavior. The confidence God gives me is that I can only do my part, and I can never undo the past, but I can place reconciliation at the center of my steps forward.

As to the second point, the sacred is a major point of empowerment for our study group as well. Three things motivate: economics, politics, and religion. People act, or make faith based decisions often. For example, to address environmental issues, we need economists, politicians, and religious leaders to all contribute to motivating change. This local empowerment through religious identity applies to White Presbyterians, but it has its limits. White Presbyterians tend to gain their identity primarily outside their faith community, through profession for example. Oppressed people without economic identity, are more likely to look to faith for an identity. Therefore, White Presbyterians will not move with local empowerment as other groups with stronger faith identity will follow local empowerment. How can White Presbyterians empower local faith communities with action more effectively to seek justice and reconciliation?

Slemon’s “Scramble for Post-Colonialism” offers a presentation naming colonialism as an “apparatus for constituting subject positions through a field of representations” (Post Colonial Studies Reader 51) and he offers a continuum graph line to highlight this postulation. This debate of the nature of colonialism directly connects to White Presbyterian reflections, because this project depends on history, and to grasp the nature of colonialism must have the flexibility represented on the graph. As our group represents the oppressor, it also represents those who work for freedom and justice. We must not polarize the spectrum of historical legacy as we seek to move forward with thoughtfulness.

White Presbyterians have employed a “network of resistance.” As a group, they are deeply rooted in historical identity. The Presbyterian church is often slow to change. The church clearly does not keep up with the current trends of technological revolutions. Their national website, and local congregations demonstrate traditional technology. How does this example of technology function as “resistance?” This question, if it is even a valid one, will take more research to answer, but initially, resistance keeps the generational divide clear, and the identity in things above, not in the trends of this world, or things below. It’s both noble and limiting.

The future of the denomination is unclear. But, post-colonial themes such as hybridity will play major roles as the church develops in the 21st century. To be Presbyterian is to be ecumenical, and the church participated in organizations such as the Alliance of the Reformed Churches, The National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA, and Churches Uniting in Christ.

a history from the PCUSA can be found here

Resources (odd that two books share one title):
Loetscher, Lefferts A. A Brief History of the Presbyterians Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983.
Smylie, James H. A Brief History of the Presbyterians Louisville: Geneva Press, 1996.
Zenos, Andrew C. Presbyterianism in America: Past - Present and Prospective New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1937.

Feminism

Women in the Presbyterian church have faced post-colonial struggles including themes of hybridity, liberation struggles, fragmentation, dualisms, and hyphenated identities. Though started by white men, the Presbyterian church has always embraced family unity, coeducational worship and programs. Women did not rise to leadership in the church until the 19th century. Women’s rights are realized as the fruit of many generations of work. The bulk of this early work was volunteer and groundbreaking.

Before 1870, the church rejected women’s right to speak in the church. This ideal was justified through scripture and tradition and was implemented in the young church of the new world. In the wake of the Civil War, between roughly 1870 and 1920, American society was open to liberation struggles including women’s rights and civil reform. Obviously, with suffrage, women’s rights were present in a variety of social outlets, and culture and church benefited from this mutual influence. Women developed a base of power through founding boards and funding mission and Christian education. Sheldon Jackson and Henry Kendall were instrumental in laying groundwork for these women’s boards and mission funds. These groups provided much needed assistance to local and foreign mission work in the American west and internationally.

For the most part, mainline denominations did not ordain women until the 20th century, but one exception was a Presbyterian church in Kentucky, which ordained a women in 1889. However, five years later, a denominational conflict occurred over it and she was basically disallowed to minister (MacHaffie 276). A few years prior to this, provisions were made to allow women to be deaconesses in the Presbyterian church. Their role in this was relegated largely to missionary and social work, which while obviously important, was seen as a lesser role suitable for women.

Abigail Harris, a Presbyterian, came through the ranks of her church in the early 19th century. She began leading small groups and women’s gatherings. She also sought to bring in other women and people from other Christian denominations. She decided those doctrinal differences did not matter when it came the overall message of Christ and the Kingdom of God (Brekus 151). She balanced a hyphenated identity through her work for God's kingdom.

Mission work was the first major church profession women could hold. Nineteenth century women increasingly sought professions, which would offer self-satisfaction, monetary reward, and upward social mobility. Critics argue that women’s move into church jobs, notably within Missions, that these jobs typically lie within a women’s sphere. Others argue that women were allowed to make this professional leap because men were fleeting from these jobs, and women simply filled a vacancy. Despite cultural roles, the denomination reacted to progressive cultural changes advocating a social gospel. It supported women’s temperance activities, humanitarian projects, and social reform projects. Critically however, many of the women working for these changes were volunteering their time, but the denomination facilitated some paid positions to affirm prospects of this social change.

Historically, women in mission were described by their partnership with their husbands. The first officially recognized woman (wife) in mission was in 1839, and the rest of the 19th century saw a rise in women’s leadership within mission. An early call in the Presbyterian Church from women’s affirmation in mission came in a formal presentation at a missionary conference, “Our American women are first and always missionaries; and their work and their influence are not one whit behind that of the men” (Boyd 163). This quote can refer many specific practices, but it highlights women’s abilities, enthusiasm, and desires to participate actively in ministry, and mission. Ironically, wives of international missionaries had more prestigious status than wives of local missionaries. Women in America, were still viewed by American ideals, despite their positive contributions to the church and the kingdom of God through mission work in our own country. By the 1870’s there was a surge of unmarried women commissioned by the church who were heading into the mission field. Women were also gaining a vote in denominational discussions of mission work.

The Presbyterian Church in the USA voted officially to ordain women as deacons in local churches in 1922. In 1929, they were allowed to be named as elders. Around this time, more women were also begin admitted to seminaries (MacHaffie 276). During and after WWII, women fought to gain more rights in Presbyterian churches, often against opposition. While being allowed some of the same rights as men, men were often placed in ultimate authority, making it difficult to achieve large-scale success. Also, women would be allowed on church boards and decisions making committees, but their voices were often diminished in due to dominant male cultural structures (MacHaffie 276-281).

In the 1956, the 168th General Assembly affirmed that women are equal and responsible partners in the mission of the Church. The Presbyterian Church (USA) ordains women to all the offices of the church as deacons, elders, and notably as minsters of Word and Sacrament. The mission of the church cannot be healthy without the responsible voices of women resounding in the decisions of the church. The social climate has continued to offer women respect from the denominational offices to the mission field. The first major legislative step the United Presbyterian Church made towards total equality was in 1969, although ordination was happening before that. Church decrees were passed that eliminated any form of discrimination against women within churches (Brekus 239). Admiringly, the Presbyterian church was one of the first to take part in the women’s liberation movement and acknowledge the need to address these issues on several levels. Yet, there is much work to attend, as many congregations have distinct expectations for the work of women’s missionary activity, and men’s activity.

By 1981, long after women were no longer sexistly denied ordination based on their gender, female clergy numbered only 621 out of 14,502 despite the fact that women comprise 57% of congregation members. Because the ordination question has been answered, the future of femenism in the Presbyterian church will explore the question of full sexual equality in the church as women seek universal equality as children of God in this sacred institution.

Resources:

Boyd, Lois A. and R. Douglas Brackenridge, Presbyterian Women in America: Two Centuries of a Quest for Status Westport, CT: Greenwood
Press, 1983.
Brekus, Catherine A. The Religious History of American Women Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.
MacHaffie, Barbara. Her Story Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2006.

Further web resources:

Prebyterian women is an independent organization within the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) of more than 300,000 women. The programming and resource options for the organization offer a variety of ways for women to live out their faith in an inclusive, caring community.

Here are stories of women's roles of the past one hundred years of t urning points on the ordination of women in the PC(USA).

Production and Consumption

Description

The dominant form of production and consumption in America, and indeed the whole reason why American was colonized in the first place was in the name of Capitalism. Although at the time of colonization the form of capitalism had not yet taken place and was still called under the age old name Mercantilism. As a result if the Presbyterians liked it or not they were full fledged participants in this system of thought and economy. Almost undoubtedly the Presbyterians were willing and eager participants. Looking for a place to lay roots to their growing religion and being allowed to both practice their beliefs and possibly found their own churches, not to mention own the land the churches were founded on, America and its promise of land and wealth (Capitalism) may have almost been too much to bear for the early colonial fathers of the Presbyterian church. Capitalism is not just a way of running an economy but also a way of thinking. Capitalism simply translated means "economic individualism". Emphasizing the right of an individual to obtain wealth and the right to own property (which are two different things).

While the White Presbyterians did participate in growing American economy, they really were a very conservative force in its development. There is no major line of thought or radical economic development that comes from American White Presbyterians. While there has been some argument that Capitalism is a direct result of John Calvin's idealism being brought to the free world (America) through the Scottish Presbyterians, this idea is largely refuted. Individualism and the empowerment of the "free will" are two concepts that both Presbyterians and Capitalist thoughts hold strongly in common and thus they paired well with each other and changed very little while they spent their time together. Presbyterians played more the role of bearing foreword the banner of economic idealism that their new found country already afforded them. Taking their banner and with a slow and steady pace they trotted on with it thought American history to this very day.

Stories

While White Presbyterians marched onward they left a bit more than just churches behind them. Part of the religious ideology held by the Presbyterians was the desire for each individual to read and understand the bible on their own terms. This naturally increased the level of literacy amongst Presbyterians as a group and also may have driven their desire for higher leaning. As a result over 64 colleges have been founded by White Presbyterians over the course of American history and the founding of the Association of Presbyterian Colleges and Universities followed in suite. If just building colleges wasn't enough Presbyterians have built two of the oldest colleges in the United States as well. The oldest of which is none other than Princeton University, which was founded in 1746. The other, though not as large in fan fare is the Hampden-Sydney College (shown at right) which was founded in 1775. It would be worthy to note that both colleges were founded and operating before American Independence in 1776. Also both colleges stated though not to be universities, offered 4 year degrees, at which time only colleges in Britain had the academic "right" to do so.

Dreams

Though i will not be so bold as to speak out for other White Presbyterians on the matters of economic future, i would dare say that is would be any fellow Christians desire that when the day of adversity arrives we would find ourselves strong enough to face it in full. If the Presbyterians ever find themselves in another crisis similar to the one during the Civil War, or during Women's Suffrage, may they simply have the courage to sacrifice the high place they have been given within American society to help those who are struggling to be recognized just as humans. Even should one among them find the courage to do so, I would sorely doubt he or she would find themselves alone.

Resources

http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Capitalism.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colonial_Colleges
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Presbyterian#Scotland
http://www.wsu.edu/~dee/GLOSSARY/CAPITAL.HTM
http://wsu.edu/~dee/REFORM/CALVIN.HTM
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Association_of_Presbyterian_Colleges_and_Universities

Globalization and Environment

The history of the Presbyterian Church’s relationship with mission and globalization is a rich one that dates back to the formation of modern missions. It is also one marred with controversy and division, but also triumph and inclusion. Mission has been one of the most oppressive manifestations of the church. The unintended social and colonial consequences of mission have been catastrophic, and many missionaries have been sponsored by the Presbyterian Church. Without brushing these offenses under the rug, we can nonetheless understand the legacy of the missions of the Presbyterian Church as having lasting benefits for the Kingdom of God.
Beginning in the 17th century, there was an informal practice to emphasize the missionary spirit in the Presbyterian Church. There was a strong emphasis on preaching the gospel to the Native Americans, which provided inroads for potentially damaging colonial practices. At the same time, advancements were made as we can see in Clifford Merrill Drury’s book Presbyterian Panorama, when he states “the New Testament was translated into Algonquin by 1661.” (p.6). Outside of testaments like these, information is scarce concerning the negatives impacts of Presbyterian missions and the way Presbyterian practices impinged on their way of life. Drury claims that explicit missionary efforts were made by the Presbyterian Church in 17 states by 1802.
The modern picture of missions we see today began largely in the 1830s and 1840s. In 1837, the Presbyterian Church formed the Board of Foreign Mission and began to seek opportunities to spread the gospel not just into the American frontier, but to the rest of the world. As their missiology developed throughout the years, the church focused on “covering the globe with the strategy to develop indigenous churches, which would be self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating. They also spent a great deal of effort translating, printing, and distributing the Scriptures in different languages.” (Go Therefore, Smylie, Thompson, & Patrick, p. v.) These missionaries also established schools, hospitals, agricultural institutions, and other organizations, furthering their reach into the lives of the common people.
The Presbyterian Church helped found the International Missionary Council in 1921, which embodied the new development of ecumenical spirit in missions. At this time, the rise of the social gospel reformed the Church’s understanding and expanded from strictly the conversion of souls to include things like educating people, healing the sick, feeding the hungry, and clothing the naked as this demonstrated that Christian mission was about the whole of life.
New developments began to take shape in the 1960s and 70s when the PCUSA reevaluated its mission practices in an effort to determine how much good, or bad, their approach was doing. As James Smylie puts its in Go Therefore, the Church began to view missions as more of a dialogue with existing churches in nations and aiding them to do their job, rather than taking the initiative themselves and creating potentially damaging effects. In other words, it was “less triumphalistic and more dialogic” (p. ix).
One such case of this new approach was with the Presbyterian Church of East Africa. In 1971, Reverend John Gatu of Kenya called for a moratorium on missionaries and money from the West. His message was titled “Missionary, Go Home”, and demonstrated the need for a reformulation of mission practices. In 1974, the Church made it clear that they would minimize ‘sending and receiving’ and focus their efforts more on ecumenism and forming working coalitions of US and international agencies. Another focus would be to provide resources, money, materials, and people, in response to requests from these new, more sovereign bodies. They were aiming at full integration and distancing themselves from unilateral implementation of what they thought was best. (A History of Presbyterian Mission, Sundquist & Becker, p. 43)
These new ideas obviously contribute to the extreme decline in official mission personnel, but also reflect a restructuring that should be more effective in the modern world as we understand the changing face of mission. From this new perspective, Sundquist and Becker say “we can probably say that the number of ‘Presbyterian missionaries’ is more than ever.” (45). While not denying past offenses and the damaging affects of colonial practices of mission, we can steadfastly say that the PCUSA is making important advances in the arena of mission and globalization.

In regards to the environment and ecological justice, the PCUSA is one of the leading church organizations in this movement. While little information is available regarding the Church's direct involvement in destruction of natural flora and fauna in the colonization of America when they came, they undoubtedly had a heavy hand in this manner as ideas of dominion and domination played a role in their theology. Because history does not record the failures of those who write it, we have no real record of the unspeakable damages settlers had on their new environment. The introduction of new plants and animals, as well as practies such as deforestation would have a lasting affect that we still see today.
That being said, the modern-day PCUSA is taking extraordinary measures to begin to rectify some of those past offenses. Starting in 1988, the Environmental Justice Ministries has guided the PCUSA on past, present, and future environmental policies. In 1990, the PCUSA and the EJM released a policy called “Restoring Creation for Ecology and Justice” which has been the basis for most subsequent work.
The EJM seeks to “produce, promote, and distribute faith-based environmental resources for individuals, congregations, and presbyteries.” They accomplish these aims by coordinating a network of educators and leaders to work with congregations and organizations on an ongoing basis providing workshops, resources, and guidance in the creation of new policy. Members of the EJM also participate in the inter-faith Global Climate Change Campaigns. The EJM, along with the General Assembly, have also released a pamphlet for the layperson containing biblical and theological foundations for creation care and restorative ecological justice. This pamphlet is called “And the Leaves of the Tree are for the Healing of the Nations,” and can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29.

Information concerning the EJM and the PCUSA’s environmental care program can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29.

Resources:
Drury, Clifford Merrill. Presbyterian Panorama - 150 years in National Missions History (PCUSA; Philadelphia, PA, 1952)
Smylie, James H., Dean K. Thompson & Cary Patrick, eds. Go Therefore - 150 of Presbyterians in Global Missions. (PCUSA; Atlanta, GA, 1987)
Sundquist, Scott W. & Caroline M. Becker. A History of Presbyterian Mission - 1944-2007. (Geneva Press; Louisville, KY, 2008)

Diaspora, Place

The issue of diaspora in post-colonial studies does not apply to our group as readily as it does to others. However, as a representation of the majority, we have to be extremely sensitive to these kinds of issues in other groups. In our increasingly globalized world, which we want our congregations to reflect, we have to understand where each person is coming from. With that in mind, let us look at a few examples we can appeal to that will help us along this road.

Insiders and outsiders compromise much of a post-colonial view of the diaspora. In "Jesus and the Minjung in the Gospel of Mark", R.S. Sugirtharajah asks good questions which help us address what can white Presbyterians learn from “the crowd” or the ochlos in Mark’s gospel? This crowd of outsiders has a welcome place in Jesus’ ministry. It is hard to imagine the congregation of a white Presbyterian church to be dominantly comprised of social “outsiders.” The church is currently comprised largely of social insiders, yet it does reach out to and learn from outsiders. A major shift would be integrating these social groups through the grace of Jesus. PCUSA is taking steps to rectify issues of social segregation, and a more active approach is being pursued. More information on immediate action taking place right now can be found at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29.

In "Breaking Hegemonic Boundaries", Sugirtharajah addresses this intertextual world, which Derrida and others defend is even more vibrant in our current web 2.0 digital age. The white Presbyterian church can draw many more people into their dialogue. In fact, the interactions which the intertextual conversation invites, will be one of the greatest assets to the future of the denomination. It’s difficult to imagine the church thriving in isolation. This articles asks a great question the church could learn from: How are the cruel death and defeat of the murdered heroes to be transformed into the weapon of the weak community? Jesus is a hero to the weak, and his message is especially powerful to the oppressed. How can the Presbyterian church, in its strengths and weaknesses, open its voice to the wider intertextual world?

Many from the diaspora have taken the biblical message and contextualized to their own context throughout the diaspora. In "Wresting the message from the Messenger", Sugirtharajah addresses the Rasta use of the Bible to self identify within the oppressive system. How can the Presbyterian church learn to empower others with the Bible within a Christian context? The Rasta claims to the lordship of Haile Sellase fall outside Christian orthodoxy, yet so much of their practice shares biblical common ground.

In the end, all Christians are better off working together than separate. According to the gospel of John, Jesus prayed for unity among all believers. Our diasporate is huge, but it is becoming smaller than ever. Today, Presbyterians have the opportunity to connect throughout the diaspora more than ever before.

Resources:

"Breaking Hegemonic Boundaries" (R.S. Sugirtharajah, Voices from the Margin. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 2006. pages103-111)
"Jesus and the Minjung in the Gospel of Mark" (R.S. Sugirtharajah, Voices from the Margin (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 2006. pages 87-102)
"Wresting the message from the Messenger" (R.S. Sugirtharajah, Voices from the Margin. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 2006. pages169-188)

Language, Body & Performance

White Presbyterians represent the learned western elite which this Voices from the Margin hopes to deconstruct. Sugirtharajah describes the misguided assumptions of the educated - access to volumes of books, academic institutional resources, and western academic dialogue dominate scholarly activity (pg 1-10). The voices of the non-western world have valid insights and additions to formal academic conversations. The way the ordination process is currently ordered prevents people without rigorous western academic training to enter the ordained pastorate. The system relies on academic pursuits, and loses the flexibility of non-academic voices in leadership. These voices, however, have influence in Presbyterian dialogue, just no current place in pastoral leadership.

White Presbyterians typically speak English as a first language which is of course a dominant language of colonization. Culturally specific expression in English represent the colonial heritage which has woven into church practices, including some beloved hymns such as "Amazing Grace." Culture and language are bound together, and the white Presbyterian church stands to benefit with reflections on the influence of language in mission, congregations, and leadership in this post-colonial age.

Resources:

R.S. Sugirtharajah, Voices from the Margin (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 2006).

Conclusion

Ultimately, the final chapter of The Post-Colonial Studies Reader “Postcolonializing Biblical Interpretation” by R. S. Sugirtharajah raises apt interpretive questions for the Presbyterian church. In this post-colonial age, we read the Bible with specific concerns such as liberation struggles, hybridity, fragmentation, deterritorialization, and hyphenated identities. Post-colonial biblical interpretations reduce the polarization of identities such as categorical polarization. When applied to mission, we must assume a fragmented identity will not resonate with a unilateral interpretation. We must learn to look at the Bible with the fragmented and broken interpretation of the post-colonial reality. Presbyterians will face these post-colonial themes in mission and all other aspects of the church. Presbyterians are a hybrid of postcolonial issues. After fleeing oppression in Europe, they established forms of oppression in America through slavery. Women have struggled for recognition, rights, and representaiton in the work of the church. In regards to the environment and ecological justice, the PCUSA is one of the leading church organizations in this movement and is currently taking both preventative and restorative measures to help heal and care for the earth. With respect to nationalism the U.S. inherited the Puritans' conviction that they had a covenant with God to create a righteous "city on a hill" that would serve as an example to the nations and lead them to embody the ideals of freedom, democracy, and civil liberties which were expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. This conviction, often designated "Manifest Destiny," tended to blur the lines between the dominant Protestant Christianity and the nation and its policies. That is, the nation was seen as moral and consistently altruistic in its motives and actions, and other nations were believed to manifest acquisitiveness and selfishness. It would be an understatement to describe the relationship between the White Presbyterian Church and ethnic and racial issues as merely ambivalent. “The relationship of Black and white Presbyterians is similar to that of Black-white relationships in American society and within other Christian denominations.” To this day, even tough there is a few noticeable exceptions; the Presbyterian church is still heavily segregated. But the story of race relations in the Presbyterian church in the twentieth century has brought about two things: It created questions about what it means to be Presbyterian, and the ability to make Presbyterian Christianity and Blackness compatible, and it forced white Presbyterians to ask questions about the distribution of power within their denomination, and whether this was consistent with the Gospel. The consideration universality and difference are important when discussing and thinking about white presbyterianism. It is here that one can begin to understand some of the nuances and potential biases of the church. Caucasians will be able to simply move in and out of a white presbyterian church with no problem where as someone from a different culture may struggle a bit more to assimilate. This assimilation is almost expected to happen when one becomes part of the church. Having a very Euro-centric beginning most white presbyterian churches have not moved far from their starting point. However, there is a movement within the Presbyterian church to help organize and develop multi-cultural churches. Universality and difference can be simply summed in understanding the assumptions and challenges those assumptions bring to the church.

The history of the Presbyterian Church’s relationship with mission and globalization is a rich one that dates back to the formation of modern missions. This investigation highlights the controversy and division, alongside triumph and inclusion.

Resources
Here we have listed some good resources on the White Presbyterian Church and resources about the topics on this site.

Books:

Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, Helen Tiffin eds. The Post-colonial Studies Reader, 2nd Edition.Routledges, New York, NY. 2006.

Boyd, Lois A. and R. Douglas Brackenridge, Presbyterian Women in America: Two Centuries of a Quest for Status Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983.

Brekus, Catherine A. The Religious History of American Women Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

Drury, Clifford Merrill. Presbyterian Panorama - 150 years in National Missions History. PCUSA; Philadelphia, PA, 1952

Emerson, Michael O. and Rodney M. Woo. People of the Dream: Multiracial Congregations in the United States. Princeton University Press Princeton, NJ. 2006.

Loetscher, Lefferts A. A Brief History of the Presbyterians Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1983.

MacHaffie, Barbara. Her Story Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2006.

Smylie, James H. A Brief History of the Presbyterians Louisville: Geneva Press, 1996.

Smylie, James H., Dean K. Thompson & Cary Patrick, eds. Go Therefore - 150 of Presbyterians in Global Missions. PCUSA; Atlanta, GA, 1987.

Sundquist, Scott W. & Caroline M. Becker. A History of Presbyterian Mission - 1944-2007. Geneva Press; Louisville, KY, 2008

Takaki, Ronald. A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America. Back Bay Books/Little Brown & Company, New York, NY. 1993.

Zenos, Andrew C. Presbyterianism in America: Past - Present and Prospective New York: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1937.

Websites:
Prebyterian Church USA http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greek_colonization#Greek_colonies_.28.22apoikiai.22.29.

Church in Mission wiki webpage, class notes http://ftsmc500.wetpaint.com/page/Day+3
Jesus Camp Movie website: http://www.jesuscampthemovie.com/

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Introduction

Universality

Difference

Representation and Resistance

Nationalism, Education, History

Hybridity, Indigeneity

Ethnicity, Race

History, Place

Feminism

Production and Consumption

Globalization, Environment, Religion

Diaspora, Place

Language, Body & Performance

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Zionist South Africa

Latino Pentecostals

Introduction

Universality and Difference

Representation and Resistance

Nationalism and Education

Hybridity and Indigeneity

Ethnicity and Race

History and Place

Feminism

Production and Consumption

Globalization, Environment & Religion

Diaspora and Place

Language, Body & Performance

Conclusion

Education

EducationLydia Adi

Asian American Church

UniversalismChristi Kang

BinarismsSabrina Lee

Representation and ResistanceHannah Lee

NationalismLydia Adi, Kevin Gruver

EducationLydia Adi

History of the Charismatic Movement and Nondenominational ChurchBen Cowan

Hybridity and IndigeneityElliot Chung

(Image below: "Chinese Born American" by Lark Pien)

Race and EthnicityHannah Lee

History and PlaceTai Nguyen

Description

FeminismLydia Adi, Sabrina Lee

Production and ConsumptionElliot Chung, Ben Cowan

Globalization, Environment, and ReligionKevin Gruver

Diaspora and PlaceTai Nguyen

Language, Body and PerformanceChristi Kang

White Presbyterian

Resources:

Description

Education
Lydia Adi

Universalism
Christi Kang

Binarisms
Sabrina Lee

Representation and Resistance
Hannah Lee

Nationalism
Lydia Adi, Kevin Gruver

Education
Lydia Adi

History of the Charismatic Movement and Nondenominational Church
Ben Cowan

Hybridity and Indigeneity
Elliot Chung

Race and Ethnicity
Hannah Lee

History and Place
Tai Nguyen

Feminism
Lydia Adi, Sabrina Lee

Production and Consumption
Elliot Chung, Ben Cowan

Globalization, Environment, and Religion
Kevin Gruver

Diaspora and Place
Tai Nguyen

Language, Body and Performance
Christi Kang